“The people of Bahrain have the right to express their views freely and to protest peacefully without the threat of violence,” said Philip Luther, Middle East and North Africa Director at Amnesty International.

“For years the authorities in Bahrain have shamelessly sought to stifle freedom of expression, taking increasingly drastic steps to stamp out dissent with complete disregard for international law.”

Demonstrators plan to hold major rallies across Bahrain on Wednesday calling for an end to repression and for genuine political reforms.

On Monday, Bahrain’s Prime Minister, Shaikh Khalifa bin Salman Al Khalifa, warned that any attempts to destabilize the country will be dealt with harshly. He accused anti-government protesters of seeking to topple the government.

In the past two weeks a series of draconian decrees ordered by the King of Bahrain have been introduced, tightening the 2006 counter-terrorism law in a bid to suppress dissent.

These measures included a ban on all public gatherings and demonstrations in the capital city of Manama. Parents of anyone under 16 years of age who takes part in a demonstration will receive a written warning from the Ministry of Interior. They could face a prison term or be fined for a repeat offence.

“These draconian new measures are disgraceful. National security must not be used as an excuse to sanction the repression of peaceful protests,” said Philip Luther.

Sporadic opposition protests have continued in Bahrain in recent weeks. Security forces have used live ammunition and tear gas to deter demonstrators and conducted mass arrests of activists.

In a move to silence critics, Bahrain’s authorities have arrested journalists, photographers, bloggers and others active on social media networks in recent days.

Hussain Hubail, a 20-year-old cameraman, and Mohammad Hassan Sudayf, a 26-year-old blogger and translator, were arrested separately on 31 July. They were reportedly tortured when they were held incommunicado in the Criminal Investigation Directorate (CID). Mohammad Hassan Sudayf’s lawyer, ‘Abdul-‘Aziz Moussa, later tweeted that he had seen signs of torture on his client and revealed the charges against both detainees. Because of that, he too has been detained.

The organization also fears that international journalists could be barred from accessing the country to cover the demonstrations. A journalist working for Al-Jazeera was prevented from entering Bahrain from Qatar on 7 August. .

Since February 2011 when mass anti-government protests began in Bahrain the human rights situation in the country has deteriorated sharply. Security forces have repeatedly used excessive force against protesters. Scores of opposition activists have been arrested and tried before military courts. Many have been tortured in detention. Human rights activists have also been jailed for their work.

On July 31, 2013, the government authorized the interior minister to “take all necessary measures” to “confront violence and terrorism” in the sit-ins, but did not elaborate what those measures would be. In dealing with protests, Egypt’s security forces have regularly resorted to excessive use of force, killing at least 137 people in the past month alone.

“To avoid another bloodbath, Egypt’s civilian rulers need to ensure the ongoing right of protesters to assemble peacefully, and seek alternatives to a forcible dispersal of the crowds,” said Nadim Houry, deputy Middle East director at Human Rights Watch. “The police’s persistent record of excessive use of force, leading to dozens of deaths this month, and the density of the sit-ins mean that hundreds of lives could be lost if the sit-in is forcibly dispersed.”

As a state party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, the Egyptian authorities are required to protect and ensure the right to assemble peacefully. This means they must facilitate demonstrations and ensure they can take place peacefully.

Any restrictions imposed must be for a legitimate aim, nonarbitrary, and according to law. And any restrictions may not discriminate on grounds such as political belief, and must be necessary and proportionate to the aim pursued. Prohibition of any particular demonstration, including dispersal, must be a last resort. Imposition of restrictions and bans on demonstrations should be subject to appeal before an independent and impartial court.

Under international law, the overall duty to ensure the right to peaceful assembly means that state authorities may not treat an entire demonstration as violent due to the acts of a few participants, Human Rights Watch said. The authorities may not punish peaceful protesters for crimes committed by individual protesters or for possession of unlicensed weapons by some protesters.

Human Rights Watch visited the two main protest sites, in Rab’a al-Adawiya and al-Nahda square, both of which were densely populated with women, children, and men who have been staging a month-long sit-in to protest the removal of President Mohammed Morsy.

Over the past weeks, some residents of the buildings surrounding the sit-in in Rab’a al-Adawiya have filed formal complaints because of their inability to easily access their building entrances. Media reports have circulated claiming some Morsy supporters abused individuals they suspect of being “infiltrators” of the sit-in. Witnesses have reported seeing protesters armed with guns at the Giza sit-in. Human Rights Watch interviewed one man who said he and a group of men grabbed and detained another man under the Nahda stage along with eight other captives, as well as a boy who said protesters at Nahda beat him, subjected him to electric shocks, and cut him with bladed weapons.

The Egyptian authorities are required to take the utmost care in the choice of means and methods employed by its security services when confronting or dispersing a protest. The authorities must ensure that thorough planning takes place before any operation is carried out and then ensure that the operation is carried out in a way that minimizes harm or any risk to life. This planning should include giving advance notice to protesters so they can respond to dispersal requests by the security forces, HRW said.

“The Secretary-General once again urges all sides to act with maximum restraint. He supports the rights of all Egyptians to hold peaceful protests. He calls on the interim authorities to ensure law and order along with guaranteeing the safety and security of all Egyptians,” Ban’s spokesperson said in a statement.

“The Secretary-General renews his calls for a meaningful national dialogue and an inclusive reconciliation process. The aim must be to chart a peaceful path towards a full return of civilian control, constitutional order, and democratic governance,” the statement added.

Protests on Friday and Saturday have left scores of people dead and hundreds others injured. In a new statement, Ban stressed that Egypt’s security forces must act with full respect for human rights, including guaranteeing the rights to free speech and assembly. The Secretary-General appeals to all the people of Egypt to address their differences through dialogue and again renews his calls to all parties to engage in an inclusive and meaningful reconciliation process.

Ban also urged demonstrators to exercise restraint and preserve the peaceful nature of their protests.

“The Secretary-General appeals to all the people of Egypt to address their differences through dialogue and again renews his calls to all parties to engage in an inclusive and meaningful reconciliation process,” according to the statement.

The crisis in the country escalated earlier this month, resulting in the Egyptian military deposing President Mohamed Morsy amid widespread protests in which dozens of people were killed and wounded. The Constitution was then suspended and an interim government set up.

Ban urged the interim authorities to end arbitrary arrests and other reported forms of harassment. Morsy and Muslim Brotherhood leaders currently in detention should be released or have their cases reviewed transparently without delay, he added.

Meanwhile, speaking at a news conference in Geneva, the spokesperson for UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Navi Pillay stressed that it is extremely important that security forces in Egypt do not resort to excessive use of force.

“People have a right to make peaceful protests,” said Rupert Colville. “All measures taken by the authorities must fully respect the law and international human rights standards. We will be closely following how the situation develops.”

The investigations need to be conducted by the civilian judiciary, independent both institutionally and practically from the military chain of command.

Witnesses described a sequence of events on July 8, in which the military and police used unnecessary force, leading to the deaths of 51 protesters. Prosecutors have investigated only Muslim Brotherhood supporters and leaders for their alleged roles in the clashes, but not the military and police forces.

“The military has a track record of resorting quickly and excessively with lethal force to break up protests,” said Joe Stork, acting Middle East director at Human Rights Watch. “Witness after witness described the military shooting into the crowd, including at unarmed people. The government needs to find out who was responsible and ensure they are held accountable if it hopes to show it will respect basic rights during this interim period.”

On July 8, army troops and police moved just before dawn to break up a peaceful sit-in of Muslim Brotherhood supporters. Violence broke out over the next six hours with military officers, including snipers posted on military building rooftops, shooting live ammunition, in many cases killing and wounding unarmed protesters. Protesters threw stones, Molotov cocktails, and in some cases shot guns. By the end of the morning, fifty-one protesters, three security force members, two police officers, and one military member were dead, according to the Health and Defense ministries.

The military spokesman, Col. Ahmad Ali, claimed that protesters tried to storm the Republican Guard building. Butthe military has not made public any evidence supporting its claim and Human Rights Watch found no evidence that this occurred, finding instead that protesters were peacefully praying or gathering when the military and police moved in to break up the sit-in.

Muslim Brotherhood members and supporters had gathered outside the Republican Guard headquarters on Salah Salem Street starting on July 5, and their numbers grew after the group called for a sit-in there on July 7.

Human Rights Watch spoke to 24 witnesses, including protesters and neighborhood residentsand interviewed seven doctors. Human Rights Watch also visited the site of the incident, four hospitals where dead and injured were taken, and the morgue, and reviewed video footage obtained from protesters and news outlets that Human Rights Watch considered credible. All those interviewed who witnessed the start of the violence agreed, and video evidence also suggested, that just before dawn on July 8, military troops and Central Security Forces, Egypt’s riot police, moved in to break-up the peaceful sit-in, simultaneously approaching protesters outside the Republican Guard building at one end of the street and outside the Mostafa Mosque, at the other end.

Security forces fired teargas and blanks into the air, and moved in on protesters from two sides by foot and with more than a dozen armored vehicles. The protesters backed off and scattered down side streets. Over the next four hours, the witnesses said, many protesters responded with rocks and Molotov cocktails as army troops shot live ammunition and the riot police fired birdshot into the crowd, which at that point numbered in the thousands. Witnesses as well as video footage viewed by Human Rights Watch confirmed that at least a few Muslim Brotherhood supporters had guns, and fired both live ammunition and birdshot. Military snipers stationed on nearby rooftops, and officers positioned elsewhere, shot a number of unarmed protesters or bystanders. It is not clear from the footage which side used live ammunition first.

In response to the killings, President Mansour ordered an investigation by a civilian “judicial panel,” but authorities have made no further information available about its composition and powers. The Constitutional Declaration announced by Mansour on July 8 gives the military justice system exclusive jurisdiction over crimes involving military personnel, meaning that this civilian panel could not investigate and try army officers involved in the violence. To deal with this and other incidents, President Mansour should issue another declaration to authorize independent civilian courts to investigate military personnel in the case of serious human rights abuses in which the victims are civilians, Human Rights Watch said.

“We have seen again and again how Egypt’s military justice system cannot investigate serious human rights abuses with any impartiality,” Stork said. “Military prosecutors and judges remain in the same line of command as those they are investigating, making independence and impartiality impossible.”

Prosecutors have announced only that they are investigating 206 Muslim Brotherhood supporters arrested at the scene and still in detention. Prosecutors issued arrest warrants for 10 Muslim Brotherhood leaders, including the group’s supreme guide, Mohamed Badie, on charges of inciting violence in connection with the incident. No investigation of army or police personnel has been announced to date, though the vast majority those who died were among the protesters.

It is impossible to say precisely which of the lethal shootings may have been lawful – that is, where those killed were armed and shooting at security forces, Human Rights Watch said. What is clear from the death toll and witness evidence is that the army responded with lethal force that far exceeded any apparent threat to the lives of military personnel.

All of the deaths – protesters, bystanders, and security forces – should be investigated and those responsible for unlawful use of force should be prosecuted, Human Rights Watch said.

“This is the single bloodiest incident that Egypt has seen since the uprising against Mubarak, and it comes at a moment of extreme political polarization,” Stork said. “President Mansour should issue a constitutional declaration that will give independent civilian judges the authority to examine the responsibility of the military and police at all levels of command as well as demonstrators, and issue criminal indictments against those found responsible for using excessive or otherwise unlawful force and violence.”

The letter outlines concerns with the draft law in light of Egypt’s human rights obligations and international legal standards, and urges the government to make amendments. The Justice Ministry drafted the “Law on the Protection of the Right to Peacefully Demonstrate in Public Places.” The cabinet approved the final draft on February 12, 2013, and submitted the bill to the Shura Council, Egypt’s legislative body, on February 17.

“This law as drafted would severely restrict one of the key human rights that determine Egyptians’ ability to continue to call for bread, freedom, and social justice,” said Sarah Leah Whitson, Middle East and North Africa director at Human Rights Watch.

“Governments have a right to regulate demonstrations, but not to ban them for spurious reasons or to keep them out of sight and sound of every government building.”

It is unclear when the law might pass as the legislative agenda, procedures and time frame of the Shura Council are opaque.

Key concerns in the draft law are vague terms in article 4 prohibiting demonstrations that interfere with “citizens’ interests,” or that halt traffic or interfere with the right to work. Most problematically, any violation of article 4 would allow the police to forcibly disperse the protest, Human Rights Watch said.

This in effect amounts to collective punishment of protesters, since if one protester assaults a police officer, it would be sufficient grounds for the police to disperse the entire demonstration, even if the vast majority of demonstrators are peaceful, Human Rights Watch said.

Article 9 of the draft law would effectively bar demonstrators from coming within 200 meters of any national government, legislative or judicial building, as well as local government buildings. That restriction would place demonstrators out of sound and sight of virtually every official in the country, Human Rights Watch said. The requirement is excessive and restricts the essence of the right of citizens to convey a message to officials through peaceful assembly.

The draft law also lists a set of crimes in article 13 that are already fully criminalized by the penal code, such as assault or destruction of private or public property, imposes an additional penalty of a minimum of one week in prison, and an excessive fine of 20,000-50,000 EGP (US$3,000-7,400) for any violation of article 13. Article 13 also bans protesters from wearing masks or covering their faces, which would clearly discriminate against Egyptian women who wear the niqab.

Article 5 of the draft law would require demonstrators to submit a written notification three days in advance of a demonstration, and article 8 stipulates that the Interior Ministry must apply to a judge to cancel a demonstration. The article places no requirement for a timely response by the judge within the three-day period, however, which would create further uncertainty about the legal status of the demonstration. The law also fails to provide exceptions for smaller demonstrations that would cause no disruption, and for urgent and spontaneous demonstrations in response to news, Human Rights Watch said.

The law also fails to place clear limitations on how the police use force in dispersing protests, in terms of methods used and conditions of escalation, Human Rights Watch said. Instead of creating a clear obligation on the police in line with international standards to use force only if non-violent means are ineffective and to “exercise restraint in such use and act in proportion to the seriousness of the offence,”article 15 merely suggests that the police “should to the extent possible” take measures starting with warnings and then progressing to water canon or tear gas.

Article 16 further states that the police may use additional force as stipulated in the penal code and police law, which give the police excessive discretion in the use of live ammunition to disperse protests, Human Rights Watch said.

The draft law also restricts the right to demonstrate to Egyptian nationals, stating in article 2 that “citizens have the right to call for, organize and join [demonstrations].” The provision is discriminatory since international law provides this right for anyone on a country’s territory, Human Rights Watch said.

In a February 19 news release,the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights criticized the draft law, saying that it imposes “broad restrictions on public-order grounds and unduly limits the choice of places where assemblies may occur, while giving too much discretion to the Ministry of Interior to object to assemblies.”

As the UN Special Rapporteur on the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and of association wrote in his May 2012 report, this “interdependence and interrelatedness with other rights make them a valuable indicator of a State’s respect for the enjoyment of many other human rights.”

“The best guarantee of respect for new laws passed by the Egyptian parliament is to ensure that the laws fully respect the rights at stake,” Whitson said. “The vicious cycle of violence Egypt has seen recently can only be addressed through police reform and accountability, not by giving the police and other state authorities more leeway to restrict demonstrations or use force against protesters.”

“We regret that the draft law on demonstrations approved by the Cabinet on 13 February does not sufficiently take into account comments submitted by OHCHR and other human rights organizations,” said Rupert Colville, spokesperson for the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR).

He told a news conference in Geneva that freedom of assembly, which is one of the cornerstones of democracy, can be subject to certain restrictions. However, “freedom should be considered the rule, and restrictions the exception. In its current form, the draft law raises concern with regard to the type and scope of limitations imposed,” he added.

In particular, the draft law imposes criminal sanctions on organizers who fail to comply with legal requirements for organizing an assembly.

It also imposes broad restrictions on public-order grounds and unduly limits the choice of places where assemblies may occur, while giving too much discretion to the Ministry of Interior to object to assemblies.

“No one should be criminalized or subjected to any threats or acts of violence, harassment or persecution for addressing human rights issues through peaceful protests,” stated Mr. Colville.

“We strongly advise that there should be further consideration of the content of the draft law to ensure it complies with international human rights law standards.”

Tens of thousands of people took part in demonstrations last month against President Mohammed Morsi, two years after mass protests toppled then-President Hosni Mubarak and led to a transition period in the country. The recent protests led to the deaths of dozens of people and left more than 1,000 injured.

The incidents led Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and High Commissioner for Human Rights Navi Pillay to call on Egyptians to remain committed to peaceful dialogue and non-violence as they move forward in their democratic transition.

As I found out later, the men who stripped down were two. A 56-year-old American, who claimed to have been suffering from psychological problems, and somebody else. Rumours say he is British. The real question, however, is not the nature of their nationality, it is the reason that brought them to parade naked in front of the Greek Parliament.

Some people say those men were crazy, others that they were paid to shift the attention away from the protesters who flooded the streets during that day. In fact, much of Athens went into security lock-down during the week, and more than 6,000 police officers were needed to create safety zones for the German chancellor. In spite of them, the visit didn’t go down well.

Isolated, on Wednesday the German delegation might have noticed the lines of shops shuttered along the roads, and above them the locked flats. The economic crisis has altered the face of Athens. The divide between who has and who has not is visible in the way people carry themselves on the streets: they are either speeding away in a feast of fearful anticipation, or meandering helplessly.

On the whole, Mrs Merkel has become the embodiment of an imposed economic crisis for the majority of the Greeks, but another kind of demon is lurking around in the shadows. I am not sure those naked men aimed to challenge the German delegation; they might have been there to testify to Athens’ helpless battle against a much more sinister guest in town, the uncharted violence we are all victims of.

As criminality raises in direct relationship to unemployment, more and more people seek help from Golden Dawn. The party has recently raised to the third position in popularity, behind New Democracy and Syriza. Described by many as a neo-Nazi group, it has been accused to promote violence against foreigners living in Greece.

A few days ago, a Tanzanian community centre was vandalised by a group of 80-100 people in central Athens. This is neither an isolated violent attack on immigrants, nor the first one the party has been linked to.

The number of clashes between Golden Dawn’s members and anti-fascists groups are also escalating. On one of such occasions, 30th September, fifteen anti-fascist protesters were actually arrested in Athens and apparently tortured by the police in the Attica General Police Directorate (GADA). Some of them stated they were burned on their arms with a cigarette lighter, and more, as the police officers threatened to give their home addresses to Golden Dawn, which holds a track record of political violence. In response to the accusations, Christos Manouras, the spokesman for the Hellenic police, stated that there was no use of force by police officers against anyone in GADA.

Where is Greece going?

Mistreatment of Greeks in police custody has been rare until this year, as well as attacks against foreigners. In a country that suffered very much from different forms of Fascism – first the Italian, then the German, and finally the Greek Colonels – the events taking place at the present time are difficult to believe.

Whatever these people try to achieve, it seems they are rapidly winning: foreigners are afraid, the population is overwhelmed by a daily routine that offers no positive aspects, the number of homeless people is alarming, and criminality has never been so high. It seems like the perfect recipe for a civil unrest that brings to mind the most dark pages of contemporary Greek history.

As I consider the eventuality of leaving the country, I recall the time I first arrive in Athens, when homes in the outskirts of the city were left unlocked. Nobody feared the man next door, and the policeman was a friend who offered you coffee now and then.