(1) No party should take the election results as an approval of its policies. The two so-called “mainstream” parties are largely to blame for the crisis. New Democracy fostered a clientelist state, presided over the exponential growth of the public debt in recent years, lied to the country’s European partners, flip-flopped over the acceptance of the bailout agreement and provoked both recent elections. Pasok largely introduced populism in Greek politics, presided over the expansion of an uncompetitive and unproductive public sector, lied to the Greek people about how much money was in the coffers and mismanaged the crisis on a monumental scale. Syriza, on the other hand, rode the body politic’s dissatisfaction and anger without proposing any realistic and feasible exit plan, incorporated Pasok’s populist narrative, intentionally muddling its own message and thus inheriting the socialists’ voters, and seemed ready to bet Greece’s continuing Eurozone membership on a toss-up. No matter which party might have come first on 17 June (in the event, New Democracy – but the argument would have been the same had Syriza come on top), the people’s verdict would not have been “steady as she goes”, but “shift your rudder”. Yet, one should always keep in mind that, as mentioned in another comment on al-Yunaniya, those who chose the Euro were not in favour of the Memorandum and those who voted against the Memorandum are not hostile to the Euro.

(2) Indeed, from the point of view of Brussels, Berlin, Paris, Frankfurt and Washington, the referendum on the Euro was answered in the affirmative. Every plebiscite on Europe in the last decade seems to have been a close call (a 51/49 verdict, so to speak). With a 62 percent participation, the Greek “referendary election” is legitimate beyond any reasonable doubt. If one adds the share of the votes acquired by parties that were outright in favour of Greece’s continued membership of the Eurozone (New Democracy, Pasok, Democratic Left, Laos and a coalition of small liberal parties) and assumes that this number equals the pro-Euro turnout in a formal referendum, one gets 51.37 percent of the expressed votes. This thought experiment of course should not (as explained above) presume that voters who chose Syriza or, even, Independent Greeks, are against the Euro – in fact Syriza promoted itself a pro-European force and assured everyone that its aim is to keep Greece in the common currency zone. If one adds, therefore, a large chunk of citizens who voted for these two parties, one gets the 70-80 percent of the body politic that declared itself in favour of the Euro in most opinion polls.

So Greeks realized their first task – to keep rowing, remain in the Eurozone, and not rock the boat, until an overall solution is found. The onus is now on the navigator (the Commission) and the engine room (Germany): if Brussels and Berlin continue to be intransigent and do not accept that something has to be done to alleviate the plight of the Greek population and a great lot has to be done to solve a crisis that is much wider and much deeper than a few profligate Greeks [whose economy is barely larger than 2 percent of the Eurozone’s] consuming too much – then the Eurozone will sink and it will all end in tears. The possible dangers are legion: the icebergs and icebanks from all over Europe, the tsunami that will be created if one or more Spanish regions go under, and the fabled giant rogue wave that most Italian mariners are afraid of…

Spyros A. Vretos is a Journalist and translator

Obviously, Samaras, Venizelos and Kouvelis needed no fortunetellers to forecast the glorious years Tsipras would have in front of him being in the main opposition, while the aforementioned trio would be consumed by the additional measures included in the second MoU. There would be no political peace, the left reaction would surge and soon the country would found itself once again in a dead-end.

Bottom line this is politics in Greece, especially when a weak 3-party coalition in the MoU years equals to almost the same (or less) power a strong party used to have in the years of prosperity.

So, what is going to be? Which approach is more suitable to describe the future of local politics? Is Greek electorate following the canoe paradigm, or we are in front of a SYRIZA sailboat effect, as a diplomat put in a recent gathering. Will things balance again after a strong sideward movement or Tsipras will become the youngest prime minister in Europe?

I used to argue that current gen of politicians is equally problematic as the one their mentors belonged to. So, a new leader in his thirties could make a difference. But again, in the case of Greece, new leadership should not emerge from the left. Not at the moment. The country cannot afford sailing the Left boat in unmarked waters. We need a coalition of the willing and a period of careful planning and courageous implementation of structural changes and wider modernisation moves to put our house in order.

All these are at stake once again in June 17. My view is that given the circumstances and the severe damages PASOK has suffered in May, the only anti-SYRIZA force could emerge from the centre-right that would cooperate with Venizelos’ party (a new name and branding strategy remain a possibility), use a new liberal centrist force as a glue (Drasi with Re-Create Greece) and keep Democratic Left as a backup plan for the future. Moreover, some Kammenos’ MPs could possibly return to ND nest, offering their support in a coalition, or as soon as the government puzzle is solved.

However, for the time being, the call for unity in the centre-right lacks the required dynamism as well as touch to society, since it focuses on Dora Bakoyannis’ and some LAOS’ MPs return, two moves that symbolically are reciprocally neutralized. Uniting the centre-right per se does not seem relevant to Greek people; especially when the country’s obligations to the MoU will lead to the introduction of 6 more tax hikes in the next few months, some of them -regrettably- arriving through the post before June 17.

What perhaps would be relevant to Greeks is a constructive approach to their problems, old and new, an ability SYRIZA lacks by default.

The majority of Greek citizens are looking for a rationale to avoid voting for Alexis; but old leaderships do almost nothing to give them a reason not to.

Dr. Demetris Kamaras is the Editor of AlYunaniya.com