For it is entering an inextricable maze when one thinks how easily smiles in photos are prevailed by the most refined western politicians to be bought by the un-refined, subduable Arabs who have forgotten the wisdom of their 10th century poet, Al-Mutanabbi, when advising, “If you see the canine of a line, do not think that the lion is smiling at you.” Very soon therefore, the lion will paws restlessly at everything that was formerly owned by the Arabs, roaring the closing of the curtain, to indicate the ending of the theatrical play. Perhaps it is better for one to leave their seat in the audience and travel back in history and time to understand how, firstly, the Middle East realm that were united in the Arab peninsula, got divided into lands and boarders.

One, consequently, would discover through the work of historians who Virginia Woolf points out “records not opinions but facts,” that the west had put their hands on this as well through their secret accord of Sykes-Picot agreement which was conducted in May 1916 between Great Britain, France and with the consent of Russia, for the detriment of the Ottoman Empire. The existence of this was diffused to the world through the break of the 1917 Russian Revolution.

What this agreement wanted to accomplish is gaining power and control over the Middle East and its surrounding lands. The French were to be given control over Syria, Lebanon, South-Eastern Turkey, and northern Iraq; whereas the British were content with owning power over Southern Iraq, Palestine, Jordan, Arabia, and areas surrounding the Persian Gulf. Jerusalem on the other hand, was to be ruled by an international body. One needs to clarify that these two western powers didn’t ‘own’ these territories in the sense of the word, but controlled the governments and its administration (achieving the division of the area: dividing based on economic factors) and thus, one is permitted to use this term, in this context.

Consequently, one is required to learn about their past for a better understanding of their future. To divine this future would be exemplified through the study of history which roots through the blossoming of remembrance.

Herodotus, “whom Cicero called pater historiae,” embraced the task of history Arendt writes, in order “to save human deeds from the futility that comes from oblivion.” Should Arabs remember their past accordingly would elevate their status from that of oblivious to a more dynamic one approaching ahead start to the chess board, relishing the only wining strategic plan, while maintaining the safety of their king (territory) throughout the game and managing to tame the bitter, savage, greedy lion.

I would like to acquaint the reader that our current lion, if I’d borrow from Richard Steele, would “groan under life, and bewail those who are believed from it.” But, is the lion to be blamed? Not exactly I would say, for the Arab societies compose of such individuals Gayle Pemberton, warned to be aware of. Individuals with no memory of their past and whom are powerless to connect pervious events and current ones to future acts, who would wake up to scratch the same mistakes yet another time. These communities I would say with utmost confidence are the mileage of ignorance, lacking premonition to posterity, for they unfortunately took the acidic bait in what they called “The Arab Spring.”

Spring (Aniksi) – a war term was firstly used by Herodotus in The Persian Wars where in book seven (POLYMNIA) Gelo talks of the lack of order recipients (from the Athenian men) even if there is commanders to give orders, telling them that “ye had best make haste back to Greece, and say that the spring of her year is lost to her.” What this conveys is that Gelo’s troops are compared to spring (beginning of summer and is the finest season of the year) transmitting the meaning that his troops are the premium of the Greek army and a deprivation of his coalition would be like a year, the spring, is executed and drawn from it. “Arab Spring” therefore is the beginning of the end of hope for pure revolution and an end to the foundation of progress in the region, where no flower blooms, no tree grows and night refuse the recuperation of dawn.

One would walk into isolated roads reminiscent of previous decisions and remember that at the approach of these decisions, there were two voices communicating with equivalent power in their mind: one rational speaking which studies the reasons behind the west need and urge to help peoples living in far lands and inform of the realization that should they accompany that flow would driven them into floods of regret and live with the understanding that they have sold their country freely, with no worth of charge earned; for this torrent flood they have engaged in, no human power could save them from it. The other voice speaks with passion and converses of the urge one needs to consider in their memory, of the deprived years they have had experienced thus far in surrendering to dictatorship and looks for but a hole of escape. Perhaps in the peaceful silent moment one holds between themselves would bend towards the first one, but within their Arabic society they would conform to believe in the latter, thinking they’d have power over their country in embracing liberalization, which in turn they believe, would secure happiness.

But, what is power if not a mere word one assumes understands. Leo Tolstoy asked a long time ago in War and Peace “What is the cause of historical events? Power (he says). What is power (then)? Power is the sum total of wills transferred to one person. On what condition are the wills of the masses transferred to one person? On condition that the person express the will of the whole people. That is, power is power. That is, power is a word the meaning of which we do not understand.” In the arena and principle of International Relations or politics, possessing power (a word a meaning of which no one truly comprehends) is the force dominating all states, even if it brings with it corporeal suffering and winter solstice all year long.

Thucydides asks if the relations between states could be directed by principles/norms of justice, when power is an important factor to be considered. If we look at the lion or lions governing us today, the answer to Thucydides question would exclude the word justice and replace it with sadism. For both Politics and International Relations for that matter are governed by egoistic and languid individuals exacting more power with absence of moral values. These factors therefore present “a conflict-based paradigm of international relations” where power develops into the solstitial concern and where there is little, to no residue of morality.

Does this overwhelming idea and enforcement of power provide happiness? Graham Greene, according to Shirley Hazzard, converse on happiness saying, “point me out the happy man and I will point you out either egotism, selfishness, evil- or else an absolute ignorance”. Flaubert like Greene also felt that “to be stupid, selfish, and have good health, are three requirements for happiness, though if stupidity is lacking, all is lost.” Now a day is no difference which hurts me to say, that happiness is achieved when one holds a blind eye to the pure truth, is ignorant of the lion and its plans, and approaches the chess board thinking it would provide ecstasy of mere moments of happiness.

The situation in Syria

“Our country, like all the EU member states, without exception, expressed from the outset a position that emphasizes two major, central points, which are firm aspects of our policy.

The first is the unequivocal, clear and absolute condemnation of the use of chemical weapons, condemnation of any attempt to hinder the work of the UN experts. The need for there to be a clear response from the international community; a response that will prevent any repetition of the use of chemical weapons, which is a heinous crime, a crime against international law, against humanity, which, of course, creates the need for specific perpetrators to answer to international criminal justice.

The second point of the Greek stance is that, whatever the case, the political process must be safeguarded, and that the solution in Syria can come only through the Geneva II process.

In all our statements we have said and continue to say that Greece will honor its obligations, first, as a member state of the UN – thus we believe in the need for the UN processes – second, as a member state of the EU and NATO, and third, of course, we do not ignore the obligations deriving from bilateral agreements that are in force with various countries on security and defence issues.

In Vilnius, at the informal Council of Foreign Ministers, the EU expressed – with great delay, it is true – its agreed position on this issue. It was expressed by Lady Ashton following in-depth consultation with all the Ministers, and this common position is exactly what Greece had said from the very outset. What we have said is also the EU’s stance.

The new element, the element, that the international community, including the EU, was waiting for was the Russian initiative with regard to the Assad regime’s “willingness” to put its chemical arsenal under international control, to accept the collection, removal and destruction of its chemical arsenal.

We believe that this process can produce results. That is, that this initiative can truly succeed if there is a willingness to de-escalate. And for this initiative to succeed it must take on specific physical form; that is, the turning over and destruction of the chemical weapons, and secondly it must lead to unconditional participation in Geneva II by all parties, including the Assad regime, so that a mutually acceptable and broadly mandated transitional solution can be found. With the “pending” issue of those who are physically and morally responsible being brought before international criminal justice.

In Syria, Greece needs to follow a policy of principles, and this is what we have done from the outset. A policy based on respect for international law, the need to defend human rights. We cannot close our eyes to abhorrent actions that are a crime against humanity. The core of our policy must be international legality, the role of the UN, the role of the Security Council; we must respect our obligations as a member state of the EU and NATO.

There is a protective network for Greek citizens in Syria, through the honorary Consulates, in collaboration with the EU, if evacuation should be needed. There is ongoing notification, which, in the end, however, concerns a few dozen interested parties – an impressively small number of interested parties – and naturally there are all the preparations with the co-competent Ministries of National Defence, Public Order, Merchant Marine, Health, Interior regarding a possible wave of refugees from Syria reaching Greece, but in a second stage. Because the countries land borders are receiving the great bulk: Jordan, Lebanon, and Egypt via Sinai to a great extent.

As such, I think that this preparation will pay off, and we have already asked the competent Commissioners – many competent Commissioners are involved under Georgieva, who is dealing with the humanitarian aid, in order to fund our actions on migration and health issues, should the need arise. This is the picture with regard to Syria.”

Developments in Egypt

“Egypt is decisive for Greece with regard to the Eastern Mediterranean. Bilaterally and on the level of the EU, we initially saw the changes that took place after 30 June in Egypt as a continuation of the transitional period that started in 2011, with the fall of the Mubarak regime. We perceive the situation in all its difficulties, and we think that the transitional government is making very great efforts to stabilize the country and lead it to the full functioning of democratic institutions.

I visited Cairo on 5 September, following the visit carried out by the Belgian Minister in the framework of his scheduled visit to the countries of the region, and following the visit to Cairo two days earlier by Cypriot Foreign Minister Kasoulides. This visit was of very great significance, because it was a practical show of support for the Egyptian people and of Greece’s sincere interest in Egypt’s once again finding a road to peace and prosperity.

We are linked by historical and profound ties – the Patriarch of Alexandria, the Monastery of Sinai – in a pivotal region for current developments. Mainly northern Sinai, but also southern Sinai, where the Monastery is located, the historical Greek communities in Alexandria, in Cairo, in Suez, in other cities, the new Greek economic presence in Egypt, which is very significant. Greece is the fifth largest foreign investor in Egypt. We have manufacturing units and banks. Of course, we have common interests.

I must be clear and say to you unequivocally that in the time leading up to the change of the state of affairs in Egypt there was inertia and regression in our relations, particularly on the critical issue of maritime zones and the implementation of the International Law of the Sea. It is of very great significance that – as my Egyptian counterpart and I stated publicly after our meeting – we decided to re-establish and initiate the dialogue on the level of experts on a bilateral level – with international law as our frame of reference – so that the maritime zones, the continental shelf and exclusive economic zone in the Eastern Mediterranean, can be agreed upon.

It is also very important that we reaffirmed through my visit, which followed on Mr. Kasoulides’ visit, that, beyond bilateral relations, we are prepared to move ahead to trilateral cooperation between Egypt, Greece and Cyprus in the Eastern Mediterranean on all the political issues, as well as on anything else that is necessary.

I had the opportunity to see the interim President of the Republic, the President of the Constitutional Court, the Prime Minister. We had in-depth talks with the Foreign Minister and the Delegation. I saw one of the candidates for President of the Republic in the elections that were carried out; that is, the head of the Al-Nour party, which is the large salafist party that got 27% in the parliamentary elections and that supports the transitional government and is also represented in the 50-member committee for drawing up the Constitution.

I think it was a very successful visit for our national interests and for the level of Greek-Egyptian relations, as well as for trilateral Egyptian-

Greek-Cypriot relations. Within the framework of my visit to Cairo, I met with the Secretary General of the Arab League, which, as you will have observed, is playing a very important role in the Syrian crisis. Because the Gulf countries and Egypt – which met on the level of Foreign Ministers with Mr. Kerry in Paris the day before yesterday – as well as the Arab League as a whole, have a very clear line with regard to the response to the use of chemical weapons and the need for unconditional participation in Geneva II for a definitive political solution in Syria.”

The Middle East peace process

“In Vilnius, the U.S. Secretary of State briefed his European colleagues in depth on the Middle East peace process. Despite the fact that the major issue is Syria, and Egypt is major current issue in the Arab view, as expressed by the Arab League, the big issue is always the conflict in the Middle East, the Israel-Palestinian relationship and the peace process, which we support and we want to see produce a plan for a two-state solution.”

Greek-Turkish issues

“On Monday, the 55th round of exploratory talks took place between Turkey and Greece – talks that started in 2002 – on issues concerning maritime zones in the Aegean. Our positions are clear. We are discussing – and I want to make this absolutely clear before the Committee – the Aegean and the Eastern Mediterranean, we are discussing the continental shelf and exclusive economic zone. That is, all the maritime zones, as provided for by the International Law of the Sea. This is something that should have always been clear, but now it is absolutely clear, and I think it is very important and I stress it in particular. The meeting took place between the Secretary General of the Turkish Foreign Ministry, Mr. Sinirlioğlu, and Ambassador Apostolidis, who is the head of the Greek delegation on these issues.”

The report, Adaptation to a Changing Climate in the Arab Countries, provides a comprehensive assessment of the threat to the region posed by increasingly severe weather, and offers a set of policy options for the urgent task of managing current effects and building resilience against those yet to come.

“Reducing vulnerability to climate change will require concerted action on multiple levels,” said Rachel Kyte, World Bank Vice President for Sustainable Development. “Political leadership now, will be critical in establishing climate change as a national and regional priority.”

The Arab world has been adapting to climate change for centuries. There is a long history and tradition of coping with the associated challenges, such as changes in temperature and rainfall. New climate change risks are emerging at a much faster rate, including the prospect of a world that is four degrees hotter, and resilience built up over years is being severely tested.

These risks have been identified and assessed in the new climate report which was prepared in partnership with the League of Arab States, involving specialists, researchers, policymakers and civil society organizations from across the region. The report reinforces the warning that decades of poverty reduction efforts could be reversed as contained in the recent World Bank publication, Turn Down The Heat: Why a 4° C Warmer World Must be Avoided.

Over the past 30 years, climate disasters have affected 50 million people in the Arab world, costing about $12 billion directly and many multiples of that indirectly. Recent trends suggest that dry regions are becoming drier and flash floods have become more frequent. The 2006 flooding of the Nile River Basin led to 600 deaths, with a further 118,000 people affected, while in 2008 a record five-year drought finally ended in the Jordan River Basin.

Globally 2010 was the warmest year since records began in the 1800s, and of the 19 countries that set new record temperatures, five were in MENA. Regional temperatures are projected to reach new record highs, coupled with less rainfall which, in a region with the world’s lowest endowment of freshwater, could make this precious natural resource even scarcer.

A harsher climate threatens livelihoods throughout the region. Extreme weather could affect both the annual US$50 billion tourism industry and agriculture, already under severe climate stress. The combination of higher temperatures, lower rainfall and increased frequency of drought could cause more crop failures and lower yields putting MENA’s rural population, nearly half the region’s total, under growing stress. Migration to already overcrowded cities and vulnerable costal zones would accelerate. Yet a further consequence of climate change could be the upending of traditional social roles, as it is usually the men who migrate for low-wage, low-skill jobs, and the women who remain behind with all the farming and community responsibilities.

“Climate change is a reality for people in Arab countries,” said Inger Andersen, World Bank Vice President for the Middle East and North Africa region.

The report stresses that adaptation should be integrated into all national policies and actions to ensure they are climate resilient. This spans efforts from collecting climate data to strengthening basic services. Accurate weather information is critical for preparing for extreme events. Improved access to services such as education, health and sanitation, along with effective social safety nets to compensate for sudden loss of livelihood, will give citizens the skills and resources to navigate climate challenges.

Developing an economic, energy in this case, investment presupposes geopolitical stability and security. In the case of Cyprus, in order to sustain its economic collaboration with Israel Nicosia needs to address the role of the Arabs in this volatile region. In the case of the Syrian civil war, given that there is nothing particular to win or lose, Cyprus must pursue a neutral policy.

Along with the Cyprus issue, the case of Palestine remains for more than a century the top theme in the security agenda of the region. In particular the Palestinian case is an issue of Pan-Islamic dimensions, well-interwoven with Arab nationalism. Given the rise of Islam in Turkey and the Arab states, such as Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon and Syria, Nicosia needs to develop a new policy scheme toward the Arabs in order to contribute to the stability of the region, aiming to facilitate further dialogue between Israel and the Palestinians. For instance President Christofias and Foreign Minister Marcoulli’s recent visits to Jordan and Egypt respectively are of particular importance.

Besides the solid outcome that such a Cypriot initiative may have in terms of diplomacy and security, it is also expected that Nicosia will win hearts and minds in the Arab world and Israel in a very delicate moment for Arab and Israeli politics. In short the current Cypriot-Israeli economic collaboration is a first class opportunity for Nicosia to amplify its political role in the region by working to bring together friends and foes. Cyprus is able to undertake such a task and carry it out effectively for the interests of Nicosia and the region as a whole.

Dr. Evangelos Venetis (The Middle East Research Project, ELIAMEP) is currently a Senior Research Associate in Islamic and Iranian studies at the School of Asian, African and Amerindian Studies, the University of Leiden, the Netherlands. He holds a PhD in Islamic and Middle Eastern Studies from the Department of Islamic and Middle Eastern Studies, the University of Edinburgh, UK.

“The government has long imposed restrictions on how Jordanians may express their thoughts and opinions,” said Christoph Wilcke, senior Middle East researcher at Human Rights Watch. “Now it is trying to extend those restrictions to online expression.”

The measure would apply the restrictions in Jordan’s existing Press and Publications Law to online media. Those include prohibitions on insulting the royal family, publishing anything counter to “national obligation” and “Arab-Islamic values,” inciting sectarian strife or stirring discord or violence, and slandering any public officials or foreign heads of states, according to a release by CJP.

“If passed, these amendments would represent a huge step backward in Jordan’s press freedom record,” said CPJ Executive Director Joel Simon. “Jordan would be joining a list of authoritarian countries that use Internet censorship as a form of media repression.”

The response to the proposed amendment from Jordan’s media and information technology professionals has been overwhelmingly negative. Tariq Momani, head of Jordan’s press syndicate, told Human Rights Watch he urged withdrawing the proposal. The prominent NGO Center for Defending Freedom of Journalists presented a detailed legal memorandum contending that the proposal did not make sense legally and was unworkable. The Coordination Group of Electronic Websites, representing 21 news websites, condemned the proposals on August 25, while another trade group, the Jordanian Electronic Press Association, rejected the authority to block websites, while welcoming efforts to apply the same legal standards to electronic publishing that exist for print media.

The proposal, which comes as an amendment to the 1998 Press and Publications Law, would require every online media outlet to register with the government and obtain an official license, similar to print publications, according to news reports. The legislation would also grant the government the right to block any website in violation of the law, including non-Jordanian websites, without a court order, the reports said.

Under the proposed amendments, electronic media owners and their employees would be responsible for ensuring that all comments published by their readers do not violate any laws, according to news reports. They would further be required to maintain a record of all comments posted on their site for at least six months, the reports said. The amendments also prohibit the posting of any comments not related to the published article.

If a website is found in violation of posting a comment not in accordance with the proposed regulations, it could face fines of up to 10,000 Jordanian dinars (US$14,000), news reports said.

The Jordanian government approved a draft of the bill on August 22, according to news reports. If the lower house passes the legislation, it will go to the upper house for review.

On the same day, the reports said, at least 500 websites featured a black home page with the following message: “You may be denied access to the content of this website under amendments to the Press and Publications Law as a result of government control over the Internet.”

Many analysts say that Jordan has maintained free and open access to the Internet, a policy that stands in contrast to other countries in the region.

That was the general theme that ensued when I tried to explain over dinner with some Greek friends what my line of work was. Try as I might to explain what a refugee was, this dinner guest would not listen; he was sure he was right.

Then it hit me: The common person would not know what a refugee is. So, what is a refugee?

A refugee is someone who has fled their country out of fear of harm on account of their race, religion, nationality, group affiliation or political opinion, and, because of this, is unable to return.

So think about it for a moment – what would be so serious that would make you leave your life as you know it, your family, your friends, your stability and run away elsewhere?

Some have witnessed loved ones being killed in cold blood before their eyes. Others have had their businesses seized, their houses torched and their wife raped – just because of their ethnicity. The threat can come from one’s own government itself or from rebel groups.

Human rights defend equality between all peoples, all beliefs and the right to peacefully voice your political views. What people do not often realize is that human rights also defend your right to request asylum.

Greece is one of 142 countries signatories to the 1951 Geneva Convention which aims to protect refugees and their rights. Different countries implement the principles set out by the convention in different ways.

One of the obstacles the European Union is facing is standardising its laws and policies and this also applies to asylum procedures. The Dublin Regulation is a law that returns asylum-seekers to their entry point in the EU in order to process their requests for asylum. In many cases, and because of its geographical location, that entry point is Greece.

There has been a lot of criticism by prominent organizations such as Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International to reform Greece’s asylum procedures. Some critics believe that these procedures often put asylum-seekers at risk and make their plight even more difficult. In some instances, many EU countries have stopped returns to Greece to avoid putting individuals in risk and, potentially, breaching the principles of protection set out by the 1951 Convention.

Panic over lack of jobs though is not what puts these asylum-seekers at harm. The Greek asylum procedure has been criticised of not being transparent, fair or efficient. In 2010, the United Nations Agency for Refugees, UNHCR, took an initiative with the Greek government to reform its asylum system however the fruits of this endeavour are yet to be seen.

The Arab world mostly does not have a fully mature asylum system and a lot of the responsibility falls on the UNHCR in the region. Although resources may be stretched in cases like this, the UNHCR is still able to maintain the principles set out by the 1951 Convention, an integral document of the organization’s statute.

The wheels of bureaucracy turn slow – most of us can attest to that when standing in line waiting for IKA or when we are hoping our government can change that one little thing in its policy. But the way we look at things can be the biggest step towards change. The Arab world is going through a democratic spring, but without cultural acceptance a lot of this sought-out freedom will be rendered dormant.

Change comes from within and maybe if we open the doors to our minds and hearts, we can allow exceptional individuals into our lives. So, what do a supermodel, scientist, and a former secretary of state have in common? They were refugees: Alek Wek, Einstein and Madeline Albright all offered a lot to society.

- The Middle East suffers from the highest youth unemployment in the world, currently recorded at over 25 percent, with North Africa reporting approximately 24 percent. Female youth unemployment is even higher, reaching and exceeding 30 percent across the Arab world.

- The region’s labor force youth participation rates are among the lowest globally, currently standing at around 35 percent, compared to the global average of 52 percent.

- The economic loss of youth unemployment exceeds US$ 40 – 50 billion annually across the Arab world, equivalent to the GDP of countries like Tunisia or Lebanon.

- The large number of youth in the Arab world will continue to add pressure on the labor market over the coming years – approximately a third of the total population is currently below the age of 15, and a further third is aged 15-29. In consequence, tens of millions of young people will enter the region’s work force over the next ten years needing to find jobs either at home or through regional labor mobility

Tackling the youth unemployment challenge will require a dual focus on creating employment opportunities, including self-employment, and ensuring youth have the right skills for the jobs being created. To date, governments in the region have not focused sufficiently on the latter.

“You gather at a pivotal time in the Middle East and North Africa,” Mr. Ban said in a message to the two-day, UN-backed International Media Seminar on Peace in the Middle East Peace that began in Geneva today. “The world has witnessed profound changes across the region in the past 18 months, driven by brave and committed citizens, with women and youth in the vanguard.”

The UN chief noted in the message – which was delivered by Maher Nasser, Acting Head of the Department of Public Information (DPI) – that journalists, activists, policy-makers and representatives of civil society have played important roles in these historic movements for change.

“I salute your dedication and courage in promoting transparency, accountability and democracy. I urge you to continue to promote peace and increase mutual understanding between communities, especially Palestinians and Israelis,” he said.

The annual seminar, established by the General Assembly in 1991, is designed to look at the role of the media in advancing the peace process – one which is currently at a standstill. Israeli-Palestinian talks have been stalled since late September, following Israel’s refusal to extend a 10-month freeze on settlement activity in the occupied Palestinian territory. Ban said the regional awakening based on the ideals of freedom, dignity and non-violence cannot be complete without a resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

“Too many Palestinians and Israelis have suffered for too many years,” he stated. “I am concerned at the fragility of the situation on the ground, and I urge the parties to overcome the current obstacles and resume direct, bilateral negotiations without delay or preconditions.” He pledged that the UN will remain engaged in helping the parties to forge a way forward, with the aim of establishing a sovereign, independent, contiguous and viable State of Palestine living side-by-side in peace and security with Israel. “Only then will we be able to move towards the broader goal of comprehensive regional peace in the Middle East,” said the Secretary-General.

This year’s seminar, organized by DPI in cooperation with the Government of Switzerland, will examine issues such as the impact of the Arab Spring on media coverage of the question of Palestine and the role of women’s activism and the media in the Israeli-Palestinian peace and the wider region.

In his remarks to the gathering, Mr. Nasser stated that the objective of the seminar, which is taking place during a period of “profound and tumultuous change,” is two-fold.

It seeks to sensitize public opinion on the question of Palestine, he said, and to examine some of the evolving media-related dynamics shaping events in the region, while exploring how they relate to the situation between Israelis and Palestinians.

“Our discussions will focus on the role of the media in covering different aspects of recent events in the Middle East, and how they relate to the situation in Israel and Palestine,” he said. “This is an opportunity for representatives of the media and civil society from the region and beyond to come together to share their experiences and exchange views.”

The past 16 months have witnessed historic changes as a wave of popular uprisings across North Africa and the Middle East, which became known collectively as the Arab Spring, led to changes in government in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and Yemen, and to uprisings in Bahrain and Syria, among other countries.

Till now, the Arab states were heavily involved in the economic prosperity of many Arab news organizations. They were able to apply pressure in several ways, most notably through ownership or advertising. An example is Al-Jazeera, which was funded by the Qatar’s royal family, and which avoids any broadcasts critical of Qatar’s royals. A similar example can be found in Egypt, where the Al-Ahram newspaper is the country’s strongest paper in circulation, and was owned by President Hosni Mubarak’s regime.

In the Middle East, pressure on the media is exercised also via the purchase of advertisement, but to a more significant degree than in the West. If not following the directives of the government, publications can suddenly find themselves without their largest client, and be effectively put out of business. An example comes from the United Arab Emirates, where major newspapers might not be owned outright by the regime, but receive heavy government subsidies, and need to honour such generosity, demonstrating respect of it.

The result of this situation isn’t simple at all. As Noam Chomsky states in Manufacturing Consent, “censorship is never over for those who have experienced it. It is a brand on the imagination that affects the individual who has suffered it, forever.” If this stands, the Arab countries need a period of transition from the present state to more democratic regimes; only then journalists will feel free to properly investigate on topics now felt untouchable.

There is hope for this. Nowadays, a mechanism of great impact has been put into motion in the Middle East; in spite of every possible pressure, citizen-reporters send out bits of what is investigative journalism in its most embryonic form. As a result, the mainstream media try to reinvent themselves, because they cannot ignore the value of these forms of news coverage.

As expected, the space in which Arabs reporters seem to be more comfortable to post information as they please is the cyber space. In Egypt this has become a well-known form of factual narrative output, and the government has been watching it for a long time. As a result, bloggers have been arrested, detained, interrogated; their activity in reporting rallies, politics as commented upon on the road, and the actions of the labour movement in Egypt, has become a thorn in the side of the old regime.

Egyptian journalist Hossam el-Hamalawy stated in a video interview, taken by WorldFocus  in 2008, that his career as a journalism-blogger was built by writing about the factual, standing with one foot in cyberspace and the other on the road. Unfortunately, this kind of career in Egypt involved a routine of arrests, questioning and torture. Today, el-Hamalawy is recognized as a prominent journalist, activist and blogger. However, this does not signify a change of major relevance in the way journalists are perceived in his country. As he reports in the article for The Guardian, ‘In Egypt, Mubarak’s repression machine is still alive and well’ (16 May 2012), a mechanism of censorship continues to function in his country.

Another Egyptian journalist, Nora Younis, whose career was launched by her courage as a prominent blogger using new media tools – for which she was awarded the Human Rights First Award in New York (2008) – joined AlMasry AlYoum in the same year. She is currently the head of a qualified multimedia desk team, which works closely with reporters, photographers and caricaturists to bring news to her people in the most informative way. She is monitoring the state of investigative journalism and oversees citizen journalism pages as well, in the understanding that much has to be done to obtain freedom for the media.

The question remains: how long will take to the Arab world to give life to independent investigative journalism? And which shape will it take in the near future?

The matter is pressing, especially as Arab governments continue to control the media through licensing, or not, the right to record events, take pictures, and enter archives. What is more, Arab journalists must often obtain government permits to work, losing them if they get too pushy; and deal with the Arab media charters, introduced in 2008, which consolidated Arab states’ grip on information.

Watching the Arab fight for media freedom gives a great sense of hope to the many Arabs living in Greece. Their vision for a democratic Middle East is mesmerizing, and much can come from it. Hopefully, it will also bring some great pieces of investigative journalism, written by courageous and determined Arab journalists.

Constitutions are being rewritten, political parties and youth groups are vibrant, and everyone has an opinion on current events. The older generation seems worried by the uncertainty associated with change. The young generation continues to be energized.

But, what I noticed during a week of travel through the region is that almost no one is talking economics, and that is a worry. Because while 2011 was a year of major transitions in the political domain, almost every economic indicator in the non-oil countries went in the wrong direction. Growth halved, unemployment rose, reserves came under pressure and deficits ballooned as governments responded to social pressures by increasing spending on wages and generalized subsidies.

New governments across the region are keen to respond to the demand for jobs and justice that brought them to power but are quickly faced with the hard reality of limited resources and powerful vested interests.

So, just as the “Arab Spring” opened a debate about politics in the Middle East, we now need an “Economic Spring” on how to rethink the region’s economic future.

Of course each country will have to define its own strategy, but there will be some common issues that will have to be addressed. How can countries move away from generalized subsidies to ones targeting the poor to free up resources to invest in improving the education system and infrastructure? How can tax systems become fairer so that the poorest can be given a minimum standard of living? Given bloated public sectors, how will the private sector be induced to create the 50-75 million jobs needed in the next decade?

Unfortunately, there is not yet any real discourse about these issues.

The region has to make this historic transition in a much tougher external environment than that which faced Eastern Europe after the fall of the Berlin Wall.

In the 1990s the world economy was booming, Europe was keen to embrace the transition countries by providing a policy anchor through membership of the European Union, and external finance was readily available.

None of these conditions are the same for MENA (the Middle East and North Africa) today and while there is willingness from the international community to help, resources are limited. Most of the economic transition in MENA will have to be financed through domestic resources and that means the numbers need to add up.

It must be indigenous and engage the younger generation whose economic futures are at stake — both their job prospects and the debts that will have to be repaid if their economies are mismanaged.

It was refreshing to listen to students from universities in Beirut during a presentation I gave at the American University in Beirut (AUB). They had many questions on the economy and the implications for their futures. There was obvious energy and talent in the room as well as worry about what lay ahead for them.

Their concerns ranged from the need for better access to education, to jobs, to protecting the environment. They also commented about the need for transparency in public finances and how the IMF can help address the many challenges facing the region.

This visit to the region, has made me more convinced that without an “Economic Spring” to accompany the “Arab Spring” and the important political transitions taking place in the Arab region, we risk failure on both fronts.”

Source: IMF Direct (article by Nemat Shafik).