“As citizens of Israel, the Arab Bedouins are entitled to the same rights to property, housing and public services as any other group in Israel,” said High Commissioner for Human Rights Navi Pillay. “The Government must recognize and respect the specific rights of its Bedouin communities, including recognition of Bedouin land ownership claims.”

The first reading of the proposed bill, known as the Prawer-Begin Bill, passed by a narrow margin in the Knesset on 24 June, and is expected to go through the second and third readings before the end of July, according to a news release issued by the High Commissioner’s office (OHCHR).

Pillay said she was “alarmed” that the bill seeks to legitimize the forced displacement and dispossession of indigenous Bedouin communities in the Negev desert in southern Israel, without recognizing that they traditionally owned land titles in the region.

Instead, the bill offers Bedouins limited compensation on the condition that they move to one of the seven officially recognized urban Bedouin townships the Government has created.

“If this bill becomes law, it will accelerate the demolition of entire Bedouin communities, forcing them to give up their homes, denying them their rights to land ownership, and decimating their traditional cultural and social life in the name of development,” Pillay said.

The High Commissioner also pointed out that the 2008 Goldberg Commission set up by the Israeli Government recognized that the Negev Bedouins must be viewed as equal citizens with historic ties to the land, and that they were legitimate residents of the Negev.

“Respect for the legitimate rights of minorities is a fundamental tenet of democracy,” she said, adding that it was regrettable that the Government continues to actively pursue a discriminatory policy against its own Arab citizens.

Pillay added that a reconsideration of the bill must involve a genuinely consultative and participatory process that involves all representatives of Bedouin communities in the Negev.

In the meeting, the government’s general secretary Panagiotis Baltakos, the PM’s associate advisor Chrysanthos Lazaridis, the Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs Charalambos Athanasiou, former Minister Prokopis Pavlopoulos, the secretary of New Democracy’s Parliamentary Group Athanasios Bouras and the President of Parliament’s Ethics and Transparency Committee Anastasios Neratzis were present, who, after extensive discussion on the controversial bill, they decided that the current legislation (Law 927/79, article 79, paragraph 3 of the penal code) is adequate to deal with racism and that New Democracy will not vote  statutory offense “which would violate the constitutionally protected principle of freedom of expression”.

They concluded that “any potential improvements are possible and desirable” and claimed that a great proportion of scientists have been skeptical about Minister of Justice Antonis Roupakiotis’ bill.

According to media reports, the bill would outlaw incitement against people because of their race, religion, ethnicity or sexual orientation, and impose jail sentences of up to six years on offenders, according to reports.

MPs would not be excluded and parties that receive public funding would see it suspended if their leaders publicly denied the Holocaust, took part in racist attacks or used Nazi salutes or symbols in parliament.

I do not have any secret information. However, a recent development made me longing for connecting some of the dots here, using the following key words: Samaras – New Democracy– TAXI unionism – Minister Voridis.

Greek political cyberspace is full of rumors, unfounded arguments and propaganda; especially in the last couple of years, during which anti-Memorandum politics explored extreme populism as a primary weapon. Dipping into these conspiratorial terms and using common sense as a spear to penetrate the secrecy of inner party politics, we could argue that the TAXI case was a game well played. Makis Voridis, a former LAOS MP and -in the minds of many people- second in command personality in the party, grabbed TAXI case from radical (and as proven more liberal) socialist Yannis Ragousis and maneuvered it in such a way as to keep the yellow cast happy. Three facts could be relevant: first, top TAXI unionist Thymios Lymberopoulos, head of the yellow fight has been an ND cadre, active in the hierarchy of the party, kicked out by Samaras to save face during the pro-Memorandum slalom, second Voridis joined ND, in a move that made LAOS leader talking about traitorous behaviour. Then, after a while, Lyberopoulos returned and shook hands with Samaras, joining the party again.

If the dots are connected right, then in-camera negotiations at the Maximos Mansion included a far more complex and multi-facet agenda, much of which referred to domestic partisan affairs, with party leaders negotiating the day after. Perhaps this could explain long nights and bizarre delays that exhausted foreign media correspondents and Greek citizens alike.

The recent TAXI bill caused zero reaction by the yellow mass, keeping the protectionism in effect. Well, this was the case until common sense kicked in and European Commission decided to put the record straight. “I could say that Greece is preparing for elections, but the law on taxis must be reviewed by the supervisory Troika,” said Amadeu Altafaj, the spokesman for the EU Commissioner for Monetary Affairs Olli Rehn, ridiculing local magicians.

A couple of more incidents of travesty structural changes and EU Commissioners will offer to take control of the ministries, especially until the ballot boxes are closed on May 6 or any Sunday that will be declared as D-day when the negotiations are over.

It seems that the political cast in Greece does not voluntarily learn their lessons. Now, perhaps they should do themselves a favour and rethink their obsolete strategies, since a crash course on social responsibility could be profoundly painful; especially in a pre-election period, no matter how many tricks of the trade will be employed to raise the percentages.