For it is entering an inextricable maze when one thinks how easily smiles in photos are prevailed by the most refined western politicians to be bought by the un-refined, subduable Arabs who have forgotten the wisdom of their 10th century poet, Al-Mutanabbi, when advising, “If you see the canine of a line, do not think that the lion is smiling at you.” Very soon therefore, the lion will paws restlessly at everything that was formerly owned by the Arabs, roaring the closing of the curtain, to indicate the ending of the theatrical play. Perhaps it is better for one to leave their seat in the audience and travel back in history and time to understand how, firstly, the Middle East realm that were united in the Arab peninsula, got divided into lands and boarders.

One, consequently, would discover through the work of historians who Virginia Woolf points out “records not opinions but facts,” that the west had put their hands on this as well through their secret accord of Sykes-Picot agreement which was conducted in May 1916 between Great Britain, France and with the consent of Russia, for the detriment of the Ottoman Empire. The existence of this was diffused to the world through the break of the 1917 Russian Revolution.

What this agreement wanted to accomplish is gaining power and control over the Middle East and its surrounding lands. The French were to be given control over Syria, Lebanon, South-Eastern Turkey, and northern Iraq; whereas the British were content with owning power over Southern Iraq, Palestine, Jordan, Arabia, and areas surrounding the Persian Gulf. Jerusalem on the other hand, was to be ruled by an international body. One needs to clarify that these two western powers didn’t ‘own’ these territories in the sense of the word, but controlled the governments and its administration (achieving the division of the area: dividing based on economic factors) and thus, one is permitted to use this term, in this context.

Consequently, one is required to learn about their past for a better understanding of their future. To divine this future would be exemplified through the study of history which roots through the blossoming of remembrance.

Herodotus, “whom Cicero called pater historiae,” embraced the task of history Arendt writes, in order “to save human deeds from the futility that comes from oblivion.” Should Arabs remember their past accordingly would elevate their status from that of oblivious to a more dynamic one approaching ahead start to the chess board, relishing the only wining strategic plan, while maintaining the safety of their king (territory) throughout the game and managing to tame the bitter, savage, greedy lion.

I would like to acquaint the reader that our current lion, if I’d borrow from Richard Steele, would “groan under life, and bewail those who are believed from it.” But, is the lion to be blamed? Not exactly I would say, for the Arab societies compose of such individuals Gayle Pemberton, warned to be aware of. Individuals with no memory of their past and whom are powerless to connect pervious events and current ones to future acts, who would wake up to scratch the same mistakes yet another time. These communities I would say with utmost confidence are the mileage of ignorance, lacking premonition to posterity, for they unfortunately took the acidic bait in what they called “The Arab Spring.”

Spring (Aniksi) – a war term was firstly used by Herodotus in The Persian Wars where in book seven (POLYMNIA) Gelo talks of the lack of order recipients (from the Athenian men) even if there is commanders to give orders, telling them that “ye had best make haste back to Greece, and say that the spring of her year is lost to her.” What this conveys is that Gelo’s troops are compared to spring (beginning of summer and is the finest season of the year) transmitting the meaning that his troops are the premium of the Greek army and a deprivation of his coalition would be like a year, the spring, is executed and drawn from it. “Arab Spring” therefore is the beginning of the end of hope for pure revolution and an end to the foundation of progress in the region, where no flower blooms, no tree grows and night refuse the recuperation of dawn.

One would walk into isolated roads reminiscent of previous decisions and remember that at the approach of these decisions, there were two voices communicating with equivalent power in their mind: one rational speaking which studies the reasons behind the west need and urge to help peoples living in far lands and inform of the realization that should they accompany that flow would driven them into floods of regret and live with the understanding that they have sold their country freely, with no worth of charge earned; for this torrent flood they have engaged in, no human power could save them from it. The other voice speaks with passion and converses of the urge one needs to consider in their memory, of the deprived years they have had experienced thus far in surrendering to dictatorship and looks for but a hole of escape. Perhaps in the peaceful silent moment one holds between themselves would bend towards the first one, but within their Arabic society they would conform to believe in the latter, thinking they’d have power over their country in embracing liberalization, which in turn they believe, would secure happiness.

But, what is power if not a mere word one assumes understands. Leo Tolstoy asked a long time ago in War and Peace “What is the cause of historical events? Power (he says). What is power (then)? Power is the sum total of wills transferred to one person. On what condition are the wills of the masses transferred to one person? On condition that the person express the will of the whole people. That is, power is power. That is, power is a word the meaning of which we do not understand.” In the arena and principle of International Relations or politics, possessing power (a word a meaning of which no one truly comprehends) is the force dominating all states, even if it brings with it corporeal suffering and winter solstice all year long.

Thucydides asks if the relations between states could be directed by principles/norms of justice, when power is an important factor to be considered. If we look at the lion or lions governing us today, the answer to Thucydides question would exclude the word justice and replace it with sadism. For both Politics and International Relations for that matter are governed by egoistic and languid individuals exacting more power with absence of moral values. These factors therefore present “a conflict-based paradigm of international relations” where power develops into the solstitial concern and where there is little, to no residue of morality.

Does this overwhelming idea and enforcement of power provide happiness? Graham Greene, according to Shirley Hazzard, converse on happiness saying, “point me out the happy man and I will point you out either egotism, selfishness, evil- or else an absolute ignorance”. Flaubert like Greene also felt that “to be stupid, selfish, and have good health, are three requirements for happiness, though if stupidity is lacking, all is lost.” Now a day is no difference which hurts me to say, that happiness is achieved when one holds a blind eye to the pure truth, is ignorant of the lion and its plans, and approaches the chess board thinking it would provide ecstasy of mere moments of happiness.

About 65 per cent of schools surveyed were looted, occupied or damaged by bullets or shells, the agency said in a news release about the survey, which was carried out in August in 11 of the country’s 17 prefectures.

“A school is meant to be a safe space for teaching and learning, but in some areas there is nothing left,” said UNICEF Representative in CAR Souleymane Diabaté. “Without teachers, desks, textbooks – how can a child learn?”

Four out of five people said that fear of violence is the main reason students are reluctant to return to school. Almost half of the schools remain closed and students have lost an average of six months of schooling.

“Both the access and quality of primary education in the Central African Republic have severely deteriorated since the beginning of the crisis,” said Diabaté. “And if we do not act now, more children will lose the entire school year and are at risk of dropping out.”

UNICEF called on the CAR authorities to take concrete measures to support the permanent and safe return of all teachers and students to school.

Plagued by decades of instability and fighting, the CAR witnessed a resumption of violence last December when the Séléka rebel coalition launched a series of attacks. A peace agreement was reached in January, but the rebels again seized the capital, Bangui, in March, forcing President François Bozizé to flee.

There is now a transitional government, headed by Prime Minister Nicolas Tiangaye, entrusted with restoring law and order and paving the way for democratic elections. But armed clashes in the north-east have increased since the beginning of August, and the country is facing a dire humanitarian situation that affects the entire population of some 4.6 million.

UNICEF said almost 25,000 children affected by conflict are now in ‘catch-up classes’ to prepare for this year’s final exams, with an additional 40,000 children scheduled to re-start learning in the upcoming weeks.

Almost 20,000 students have received school supplies and schools have been received furniture which has already helped to re-open schools. UNICEF plans to support an additional 105,000 children to get back to their classrooms by the end of the year.

UNICEF’s 2013 emergency appeal of $11.5 million, issued before the crisis, has since tripled to $32 million. The agency has only received one third of the funding requested, and $21 million is urgently needed to provide education and emergency assistance to conflict-affected children and women in CAR.

The crisis that began last December has displaced more than 394,000 people within the country and sent another 64,000 people to neighbouring countries in search of refuge. Persistent insecurity, the absence of the rule of law and attacks against humanitarian personnel and assets continue to prevent life-saving assistance from reaching people in need, said Laerke.

However, UN humanitarian staff have been redeployed to five locations outside Bangui and mobile humanitarian teams are also on the ground and providing aid in Bossangoa, where there had been a recent flare-up in fighting between various armed groups.

Humanitarian partners have reached nearly 180,000 people with food assistance and nutrition programmes; 573,000 people have benefited from water and sanitation programmes; and more than 200,000 have received health support.

“As the African Union is taking a larger role in the continent’s mediation and peacekeeping operations, it had become essential to make our partnership stronger,” said Leila Zerrougui, Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Children and Armed Conflict.

Her office and the Peace and Security Department of the AU Commission signed an agreement on 17 September, in partnership with the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF), to step up measures to protect children from armed violence.

“A significant number of children affected by armed conflict live on the African continent. With this agreement, my Office will work even more closely with the African Union and UNICEF to respond to their plight,” Ms. Zerrougui said.

Among the areas of collaboration outlined in the document, the AU, with UN support, agrees to include the protection of children in all its peace and security activities.

The agreement also calls for the development of a joint programme of work to align domestic legislation with regional and international child rights, as well as to develop guidelines on protection of children.

In addition, improved and harmonized training programmes in child protection will be developed for countries contributing troops to AU peace missions.

“We welcome this collaboration to ensure that protecting children is central to the work of the African Union,” said El-Ghassim Wane, Director of the Department of Peace and Security at the AU Commission.

“We know that we cannot succeed in building a prosperous and just future for the continent if we do not do everything in our collective power to protect them from the scourge of violence and war,” Mr. Wane added.

Addressing the 24th Session of the Human Rights Council, which began last week in Geneva, Ms. Zerrougui noted that the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) signed Action Plans to end the recruitment and use of children, as well as sexual violence against children.

The Transitional Government of Somalia signed a similar Action Plan as well as another one to end killing and maiming of children, the first time a Government made such a commitment.

“More than 100,000 people have been killed, and millions of people have either been displaced or become refugees in neighbouring countries. We have to bring this to an end,” Mr. Ban told reporters ahead of closed-door talks between the two officials and a ministerial-level Security Council meeting on Africa’s Great Lakes region, which Mr. Kerry will chair.

“Military and violent actions must be stopped by all the parties and it is thus imperative to have a peace conference in Geneva as soon as possible, as initiated by Mr. Kerry and Mr. Lavrov,” the Secretary-General underscored, adding that he and Joint Special Representative Lakhdar Brahimi would spare no effort to convene this meeting as soon as possible.

In May, following talks in Moscow between Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov and Mr. Kerry, the two countries announced they would work together to achieve a political solution to the Syria crisis, and agreed to convene an international conference aimed at achieving this goal

However, a date for the conference has not yet been set and talks are continuing on the best time for it to be held, who should participate, how it should be structured and some of the questions to be discussed.

“There is no military solution to Syria, there is only a political solution and that will require leadership to bring people to the negotiating table,” Mr. Kerry said, adding that he and Mr. Lavrov remain committed to make the Geneva meeting happen.

As for the private meeting between the two officials, Mr. Ban said he and Mr. Kerry would discuss not just the situation in Syria, but also the situation in the Middle East.

“As the impact of the Syria crisis on Lebanon’s stability and security becomes more and more apparent, the Security Council underscores its growing concern at the marked increase of cross-border fire from the Syrian Arab Republic into Lebanon, which caused death and injury among the Lebanese population, as well as incursions, abductions and arms trafficking across the Lebanese-Syrian border,” the 15-member body said in a presidential statement.

The Council noted “with deep concern” new developments with regard to the involvement of Lebanese parties in the fighting in Syria, and called on them to recommit to Lebanon’s policy of disassociation, to stand united behind President Michel Sleiman and to step back from any involvement in the Syrian crisis.

In his latest report on the implementation of Security Council resolution 1701, which ended the 2006 war between Israel and the Lebanese group Hizbollah, Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon noted with concern new developments regarding the involvement of Lebanese citizens in the fighting in the Syria.

This includes Hizbollah’s “acknowledged participation in and commitment to such fighting,” threats by external actors to bring their fight to Lebanon in response to Hizbollah’s involvement and calls from inside Lebanon to engage in jihad in Syria, Ban wrote.

“The implications of these developments for Lebanon’s stability, and indeed for the region, are serious,” he warned, urging all concerned parties in Lebanon to step back from involvement in the conflict in Syria.

The Council heard a briefing yesterday on the report, as well as the latest developments on the ground, from the UN Special Coordinator for Lebanon, Derek Plumbly. Both Mr. Plumbly and the Council have strongly condemned the terrorist attack that took place yesterday in a Beirut suburb and injured around 50 people, and underlined the need to bring the perpetrators to justice.

“In the face of attempts to undermine the country’s stability,” the Council today encouraged all parties in Lebanon to demonstrate renewed unity and determination to resist a “slide into conflict” and commended Sleiman’s continued efforts in this regard.

The Council also condemned recent violence by armed groups across Lebanon, and stressed the need to support the security and judicial authorities in combating impunity.

Both the Council and the Secretary-General called on Lebanon’s leaders to work with Prime Minister Tammam Salam to finalize the formation of a Government, which is crucial for addressing the multiple challenges facing the country, including the humanitarian crisis resulting from the influx of refugees from the Syria crisis.

Since the start of the Syrian conflict in 2011, over 1.7 million people have fled Syria to neighbouring countries and Lebanon has received the largest number of refugees in the region. There are currently more than half a million refugees from Syria in Lebanon, according to UN estimates. It is estimated that by the end of the year, refugees could make up 20 per cent of Lebanon’s population.

“As for the refugee crisis, the Security Council underlines the need for assistance on an unprecedented scale, both to meet the needs of the refugees and of host communities, and to assist the Lebanese authorities who face extraordinary financial and structural challenges as a result of the refugee influx.”

“We have witnessed deterioration in the security situation. More people have been displaced—over 300,000 since the beginning of this year—due mostly to tribal clashes,” Under-Secretary-General for Peacekeeping Operations, Hervé Ladsous told journalist in the Sudanese capital, Khartoum, on 4 July.

Earlier, he had met with President Omar Al-Bashir and other senior officials to discuss the ongoing peace efforts.

Ladsous reiterated the UN’s support for the Doha Document for Peace in Darfur and urged the Government and the non-signatory movements to cease hostilities and “enter into negotiation immediately.”

The Doha accord, or DDPD, negotiated with the support of the Government of Qatar, forms the basis for a permanent ceasefire and comprehensive peace agreement to end the fighting that began in Darfur 10 years ago, pitting Government forces and allied militia against rebel groups.

The Sudanese Government and two major rebel groups have committed to the DDPD. The Liberation and Justice Movement (LJM) signed on last year; the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) signed a framework agreement in January 2013.

During a media conference, Ladsous also condemned an attack on the UN near Labado, East Darfur. Three “blue helmets” were injured on 3 July when an unidentified armed group ambushed a joint African Union-United Nations Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) convoy.

“Attacks on peacekeepers are a crime,” he stressed, noting the peacekeeper’s robust response to the attack and calling for those responsible to be apprehended and prosecuted.

In violation of international humanitarian law, a UNAMID ambulance was also fired upon during the attack.

Ladsous visited the injured peacekeepers this morning at a Mission hospital in Nyala, southern Darfur.

During his three-day visit, Ladsous met with the Governor and other members of local government in El Daein, East Darfur state, as well as leaders of the Native Administration and civil society, and internally displaced people at the Neem camp.

Regarding relations between Sudan and South Sudan, Ladsous called on the Governments of both countries to fully implement the 27 September 2012 Agreements and resolve all disputes through the bilateral mechanisms provided for in these accords.

The agreements – signed in Addis Ababa, the Ethiopian capital, under the auspices of the African Union High-Level Implementation Panel – includes provisions on security, the common border and economic relations aimed at enabling the two nations to fulfil their obligations under a so-called roadmap for easing tensions, facilitating the resumption of negotiations on post-secession relations and normalizing the relations between the two countries.

In meetings, Ladsous also expressed concern over the security and humanitarian situation in Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile states.

The visit to Sudan is part of Ladsous’ wider tour in Africa which included stops in Mali where UN peacekeeping troops known as the African-led International Support Mission to Mali (AFISMA) have taken over security duties. Ladsous heads next to South Sudan.

That being said, many of those who have worked, and are still working, for the Syrian regime were, and still are, the salt of the earth. I have personally met a great deal of decent people who work or have worked for the Syrian government. The overwhelming majority of them rejects violence and does not believe in demonization, a practice the decision-making Baathists are just too familiar with.

One ought to differentiate here between the Syrian regime and the Syrian governmental elite. The Syrian regime, in my opinion, includes everyone who is involved in the Syrian state, including those who denounce violence and otherization; whereas, the Syrian governmental elite are those who preside that regime and possess the authority to make vital decisions.

The word “regime,” at least in the current Syrian context, is very loosely defined, just like the word “opposition.” The “Syrian opposition” is a very conflicting entity, with an exceptionally problematic definition. If by “opposition” one simply alludes to those who are against the Baath and its policies, then I am not critical at all of such people. Frankly, I tend to be one of them. But if by “opposition” one means the organized political entities, such as the National Coalition for Syrian Revolutionary and Opposition Forces, then I am highly critical -if not condemning- of them. One must recognize here that the media-sponsored West-backed Syrian opposition is just a group of political elite that are not very representative of the various Syrian populations who oppose the Assad regime. For the sake of clarity, from now on in this article, I am going to use the terms governmental elite and opposition elite to refer to the two main fighting belligerents in Syria.

The Syrian opposition elite are constantly waxing poetic over democracy, equality, and human rights. However, in reality they are not different from the autocratic regime they are trying to get rid of. Just like the Syrian governmental elite have an uncompromising spirit to silence, shame, and demonize every dissenting voice, the Syrian opposition elite have quite an appetite for such tyrannical pursuits. Just like the Syrian governmental elite denied the existence of the Shabiha, the Syrian opposition elite denied the presence of foreign terrorists and Mujahedeen in Syria, till they were forced to admit it when Al-Nusra Front publically announced its unwavering loyalty to Al-Qaeda. Just like the Syrian governmental elite, during their heydays, had an archenemy on which all of their mistakes were blamed, the Syrian opposition elite, without any serious investigations, almost immediately attribute each occurring atrocity in the Syrian civil war to the regime, as if the opposition fighters are saints and angels.

The Syrian governmental elite and the Syrian opposition elite, dubbed in the media as the “Syrian regime” and “the Syrian opposition,” are, in fact, two sides of the same coin. Both of them have plenty to eat and drink, while many Syrians are in famine. Both of them have roofs over their heads, while many Syrians are homeless. Both of them have international chaperons, while no one—apart from an extremely meager number of Syrian and foreign politicians—is interested in escorting the Syrian people through their calamity. Both of them are self-righteous, with no interest at all in any form of constructive self-criticism. Most importantly, both of them are largely made up of condescending authoritarian figures that have the same one-size-fits-all explanation for any of their misdeeds: their opponents.

“A genuine and collaborative political effort must now take place at the regional level,” Ban said in his remarks at the 11+4 regional oversight meeting of the Peace, Security and Cooperation Framework for the DRC and the Region, which was held on the sidelines of the African Union Summit in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.

“While the situation remains volatile, we have an historic opportunity to end the suffering and stabilize the region, which holds such a great potential for human development.”

Βan emphasized that while the signing of the UN-brokered Peace, Security and Cooperation Framework for the DRC and the Region was “a milestone” in efforts to launch a comprehensive peace process, countries now face a test of implementation that will be met “only if all the signatory countries work together to end the political impasse and generate momentum towards human security and economic development.”

The Framework, which was signed in February by 11 African leaders including Rwanda and Uganda, aims to end the cycles of conflict and crisis in the eastern DRC – where, in the most recent hostilities, rebels from the 23 March Movement (M23) have been clashing with the DRC national armed forces (FARDC) – and to build peace in the wider region.

Ban reiterated the support of the international community, including the four organizations that were witnesses to the signing of the Framework – the African Union, the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region, the Southern African Development Community and the UN.

In addition, Ban said that his Special Representative to the region, Mary Robinson, is working closely with all signatories and is spearheading the effort to define benchmarks on regional commitments.

Ban also commended DRC President Joseph Kabila’s commitment to implement significant reforms in the country, including the establishment of a national oversight mechanism.

On the margins of the Summit, The Secretary-General has been meeting with various African leaders.

Ban met separately with the President of Burundi, Pierre Nkurunziza, South African President Jacob Zuma, Senegalese President Macky Sall, President of Zambia Michael Chilufya Sata, and Vice-President of Angola Manuel Domingos Vicente, with whom he discussed regional developments.

In his meeting with the President of the Republic of the Congo, Denis Sassou Nguesso, Mr. Ban praised the Head of State for his efforts to address the situation in the Central African Republic (CAR), in his capacity as Mediator in the crisis there, and for hosting the first meeting of the International Contact Group on the CAR.

Ban also met with the President of Nigeria, Goodluck Jonathan, with whom he discussed the persistent violence in the northern part of the country and the state of emergency declared in three states. Mr. Ban said he hoped that the state of emergency would be lifted quickly and that the safety and welfare of civilians will be protected.

“Wars are driving more and more people to seek asylum,” said High Commissioner for Refugees António Guterres. “And this makes upholding the international system of asylum more critical than ever. At a time of conflict, I urge countries to keep their borders open for people fleeing for their lives.”

UNHCR reported today that 479,300 claims were registered across the 44 countries surveyed in its ‘Asylum Trends 2012 report’. The UN agency said the total is the highest since 2003, a trend of increases evident in every year but one since 2006.

The number of applications from Afghanistan, again the top country of origin among asylum seekers, rose to 36,600 applications from 36,200 in 2011.

UNHCR noted in a press release that asylum claims are not equivalent to refugee status, nor are they an indicator of immigration.

“In most cases people seeking refuge from conflict choose to remain in countries neighbouring their own in hope of being able to return home,” UNHCR said in a press release.

“Nonetheless, asylum claims can reflect prevailing global security and political risk environments: When there is more conflict there are more refugees,” the agency said.

The largest jump in asylum seekers was from people originating in Syria. Some 24,800 filed applications for asylum last year, an increase of 191 percent since 2011, the year in which the uprising against President Bashar al-Assad began. Meanwhile, more than 1.1 million Syrians are registered as refugees in neighbouring countries.

From the regions open to asylum applicants, Europe received the most applications in 2012 with 355,500 claims up from 327,600 in 2011.

The highest number of new applications was in Germany at 64,500 claims, up 41 per cent from 2011, followed by France with a five per cent increase at 54,900 claims, and Sweden with 43,900 claims, a 48 per cent increase.

The single largest recipient of asylum requests was the United States with 83,400 claims, an increase of 7,400 claims from 2011. Nearly a quarter of the applicants were from China, followed by Mexico and El Salvador, at 17 per cent and seven per cent, respectively.

North East Asia and Australia also saw increases, but overall asylum claims remained of a lower order.

Sgt. Mercedes Saniña, Military Police Officer, photographed with her team at Sector East Headquarters near the town of Marjayoun, South Lebanon. October 2012.

“I know what it means to lose your house, to be looted. To look a child in the eye and say, ‘If they come for me, you need to run’,” said the newly appointed United Nations Special Representative on Sexual Violence in Conflict. “I know what it means to give testimony and to investigate the documents.”

These words came from Zainab Hawa Bangura, former health minister of Sierra Leone and a survivor of that country’s civil war, who has just completed six months in office and is determined to get governments to take the lead in combatting rape and sexual violence in their territories.

It is estimated that up to seven in ten women globally will be beaten, raped, abused, or mutilated in their lifetimes. Violence against women is universal, and is prevalent in all countries and all settings. A gross human rights violation, it fractures families and communities and hampers development.

Against this backdrop, the Commission on the Status of Women is focusing its current session (4-15 March) at UN Headquarters in New York on the theme “Elimination and prevention of all forms of violence against women and girls.” The session is being billed as the largest international meeting on ending violence against women.

Among those on the front lines of battling this scourge are the men and women who serve with UN peacekeeping operations in conflict and post-conflict settings. The strong link between women and peace and security was recognized in 2000 when the Security Council adopted resolution 1325 – the first resolution to address the disproportionate and unique impact of armed conflict on women. Through 1325 and subsequent resolutions, peacekeeping missions have been increasingly mandated to address violence against women, particularly sexual violence.

While host governments are ultimately responsible for the protection of their civilian population, UN peacekeepers are playing an increasing role in helping to tackle violence against women, thanks to specific mandates to address the problem, tailored training and a growing cadre of female peacekeepers who bring their unique skills.

“Preventing violence against women is important because this violence undermines key elements of successful post-conflict peacebuilding, such as social stability, economic recovery, effective State authority, and overall development,” the Executive Director of the UN Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women (UN Women), Michelle Bachelet, told the Commission as it began its session.

The Department of Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO) works closely with a number of partners within the UN family to carry out this mandate, having learned lessons from experiences over the years in places such as Bosnia, Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC).

On the ground, peacekeepers carry out a range of activities to both protect civilians directly, as well as help strengthen frail state institutions such as the national police and judiciary to deal with violence against women. Their efforts range from helping to change discriminatory laws and training national police on responding to gender-based violence to providing ‘safe corridors’ for women to go to market and electricity in some villages so women can move around without fear of being assaulted when it is dark.

In Haiti, the UN Police (UNPOL) helped to implement protection measures in the camps for those displaced by the 2010 earthquake, and has a Sexual and Gender-based Violence (SGBV) Team that supports the Haitian National Police. A gender curriculum for national police cadets, and training on SGBV for police investigators have also been developed.

The UN missions in Liberia, Côte d’Ivoire and DRC are also working to enhance the capacity of national security institutions to respond to gender-based violence, including rape. Prior to winding up its presence in Timor-Leste last December, the UN mission there played a vital role in setting up vulnerable persons units – safe places where people could come to report domestic violence – as well as to getting them incorporated into the Criminal Investigation Service.

A major role is played on the ground by Gender Advisers, whose work includes supporting local women to participate in peace processes, protecting women and girls from sexual violence and engaging women’s voices in legal and judicial procedures. Currently there are eight senior gender advisers in peacekeeping operations.

More recently, Women Protection Advisers have started being deployed with a specific mandate to address conflict-related sexual violence, with the first ones already working with the UN mission in South Sudan. DPKO and its partners are also working on an early warning mechanism to stave off attacks before they happen.