“Khalil al-Marzouq is a prisoner of conscience, imprisoned only for of his vehement criticism of the government. He must be immediately and unconditionally released,” said Hassiba Hadj Sahraoui Middle East and North Africa Deputy Director at Amnesty International.

“His arrest is yet another blow to the National Dialogue which the Bahraini authorities have been flaunting as a reason to cancel the visit of the UN expert on torture to the country. However harsh his speech towards the authorities, he should not have been arrested for expressing his views.”

Khalil al-Marzouq, the Assistant Secretary General of al-Wefaq, the registered political association representing the majority Shi’a population in Bahrain, and former Head of the Legislative and Legal Committee in parliament, was arrested on 17 September.

He was interrogated by the Public Prosecutor in the presence of a lawyer for seven hours.

Khalil al-Marzouq has been charged with incitement to violence after he gave speech critical of the government on 6 September at a political rally attended by nearly 6,000 people near the village of Saar. During the speech a masked man passed near the podium and gave him a white flag which Khalil put aside. The flag allegedly symbolises the “14 February Movement”, a loose network of youth groups established in 2011 which has called for the end of the monarchy. Some of the movement’s members are on trial, accused of using violence.

Amnesty International has reviewed the video of the 6 September speech by Khalil al-Marzooq and the flag incident, but does not believe there is any incitement to violence in them.

The Public Prosecution ordered Khalil al-Marzouq’s detention for 30 days pending an investigation. If convicted he faces a lengthy jail sentence and the possibility of his nationality being revoked.

Khalil and al-Wefaq have repeatedly stated that they are against the use of violence and are committed to achieving change through peaceful means.

“Over recent months, the Bahraini government has increased its threats and attacks against political associations which are critical of the government, in particular al-Wefaq. This must stop and Bahrain’s allies can no longer hide behind the National Dialogue to mute their criticisms under the pretext that it could derail the process,” said Hassiba Hadj Sahraoui.

This latest arrest comes only days after a joint statement by the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights on the human rights situation in Bahrain, signed by 47 countries, expressed concerns about the ongoing human rights violations in Bahrain.

As a response to Khalil al-Marzooq’s detention and other serious ongoing human rights violations the political opposition associations have today announced their decision to suspend their participation in the National Dialogue which had just resumed after two months of summer break.

In July the King issued several decrees which, among other things, banned demonstrations, sit-ins and public gatherings in Manama indefinitely and toughened punishments laid out in the 2006 anti-terrorism legislation. In early September the Minister of Justice issued a decree adding new restrictions on political associations. Political associations must now notify the Ministry of Justice three days before any meeting with a foreign diplomat and must take place in the presence of an official from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

Qatari government has signed a contract that gives the right to participate anew in the competition process, one month after Diar Real Estate Investment Co., a unit of Qatar Investment Authority, didn’t proceed to the second phase of a tender for the Hellenikon project in January.

Qatar “has signed the confidentiality agreement and is returning to the Hellinikon tender,” government spokesman Simos Kedikoglou said according to Vima.

One of the most attractive pieces of property in the country, it was scheduled to become Europe’s biggest park but is being turned over for development as part of the country’s accelerated privatization plans to bring in cash to the indebted country.

The three other bidders are Elbin Cochin Ltd. from Israel, London & Regional Properties from the U.K. and Lamda Development SA (LAMDA.AT) of Greece.

The final submission of offers is expected to take place in July 2013, according to the Hellenic Republic Asset Development Fund (HRADF).

The full development of the Hellinikon site is expected to enhance Greek GDP by 0.3% per year and to create over 10,000 new jobs on a yearly basis for the next decade.

The Prime Minister’s recent trip to the Arab country was a catalyst; coordination by government officials Mitarakis and Michalos played a role as well, according to parapolitika.gr.

Meanwhile, Qatar Prime Minister Sheikh Hamad bin Jassim al-Thani said last month that his country is ready to invest 1 billion euros in Greece.

Hellinikon S.A. intends to develop Hellinikon SA (6.20 million sq.m. or approximately 620 hectares) through the business plan that selected investor will submit. The plant includes the old Athens Airport, unexploited land plots, a 3.5 kilometer open stretchalong the Athenian coastline and includes a currently operational 337-berth marina.The site is situated in the wider Athens area, close to the city centre, with immediate access to Greek islands and in proximity by air to other European and Middle Eastern destinations.

It is noted that Greek State will receive 30% of the profits derived from the development of the area during the course of the contract for development to be signed, according to HRADF.

“Your country… was on the brink of civil war, even just one year ago. But you have overcome this with political courage and determination which meant, in the end, foresight and political wisdom have prevailed,” Mr. Ban said at a media encounter in the Yemeni capital of Sana’a. “This is a process which must be irreversible. There is no turning back.”

The UN chief was in the Arabian peninsula nation to mark the forthcoming first anniversary of the conclusion of a peace and transition agreement, reached in the Saudi capital of Riyadh in November last year, and lend his personal support to the country’s transition process.

“The United Nations is here to witness the progress which you have made and also reaffirm our strong commitment that we will stand by the Yemeni people and Government in making advances toward a brighter future, and prosperous and conciliatory and participatory democracy,” he said.

Yemen has been undergoing a democratic transition, with a Government of National Unity under the leadership of President Abdrabuh Mansour Hadi, who came to power in an election in February. This followed an agreement signed by warring factions in November 2011 on a transitional settlement in the wake of widespread protests similar to those seen across the Middle East and North Africa, and the resignation of former president Ali Abdullah Saleh.

An important element of the transition is an all-inclusive, so-called National Dialogue, scheduled to take place later this year, and the outcome of which will feed into a constitution-making process that is to conclude in late 2013, enabling general elections to take place in February 2014.

In remarks for an event marking the anniversary in Sana’a, the Secretary-General welcomed the country’s progress, noting that while calm had returned to most parts of the country, it still faced profound challenges.

He also highlighted the importance of the National Dialogue process and how this needed to be open to all, with women exercising a prominent and meaningful role, and the views and aspirations of Yemeni young people also taken into account.

In his media remarks, the UN chief also thanked the members of the Gulf Cooperation Council and the Security Council, particularly the latter’s permanent members, and other major donors which have been supporting Yemen.

On Tuesday, Mr. Ban is expected to meet President Mohamed Morsy and the Prime Minister Hesham Kandil, as well as the Secretary-General of the League of Arab States, Nabil El-Araby.

Mohammed al-Ajami – also known as Mohammed Ibn al-Dheeb – was arrested on 16 November 2011 in the capital Doha, and later reportedly charged with “inciting to overthrow the ruling system” and “insulting the Emir”.

The prosecution’s case against him is reportedly based on a poem he wrote in 2010 criticizing Qatar’s Emir, but Gulf activists have alleged the real reason for his arrest was his “Jasmine Poem”, written in 2011 in the context of unrest across the Middle East and North Africa.

“Mohammed al-Ajami has now spent almost a year behind bars in solitary confinement apparently solely for peacefully exercising his right to freedom of expression. If that is the case, he would be considered a prisoner of conscience and should be released immediately and conditionally,” said Philip Luther, Middle East and North Africa Programme Director at Amnesty International.

Al-Ajami’s “Jasmine Poem” broadly criticizes governments across the Gulf, stating that “we are all Tunisia in the face of the repressive elite”.

Qatari state security reportedly summoned and arrested the poet in Doha last November, and he was then allegedly held incommunicado for months before being allowed family visits. It is believed he is currently being detained in the capital’s Central Prison. He has been held in solitary confinement since his arrest.

His trial in Doha’s Criminal Court has been marred by irregularities, with court sessions held in secret. His lawyer reportedly had to provide a written defence of his client after being barred from attending one of the court sessions.

“Inciting to overthrow the regime” is a charge punishable by death in Qatar, while “insulting the Emir” carries a five-year prison sentence.

“Qatari authorities must ensure that legal proceedings against al-Ajami are carried out in accordance with international fair trial standards and that any charges which relate solely to peaceful criticism, even if it is of the highest authority in the country, are dropped,” said Luther.

“Qatar must relax restrictions on freedom of expression and ensure poets, bloggers, journalists and everyone else are allowed to speak their minds without fear of facing incommunicado detention, secret trials and other harsh repercussions.”

Freedom of expression is strictly controlled in Qatar, hampering freedom of the press and contributing to self-censorship among the media.

Qatar’s accession to the Gulf Cooperation Council’s (GCC) Convention for the Suppression of Terrorism in May 2008 further threatened free speech, as its provisions risk criminalizing legitimate activities.

The royal court issued today the following statement: “With deep sorrow and grief, the Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques, King Abdullah Bin Abdulaziz Al Saud, announced the death of his brother, Crown Prince Nayef Bin Abdulaziz Al Saud, Deputy Premier and Minister of Interior, who passed away on Saturday, Saudi gazette reported.

Prince Nayef, who served as Interior Minister since 1975 and led a crackdown on Al-Qaeda in the Kingdom stop their wave of bloody attacks on the kingdom between 2003 and 2006, was the heir to Saudi King Abdullah and was appointed crown prince in October 2011 after the death of his elder brother, Crown Prince Sultan. Prince Nayef had been in Switzerland since May for medical tests while details about his illness haven’t been made public.

Unlike in European monarchies, the line of succession in Saudi Arabia does not move directly from father to eldest son but moves down a line of brothers born to the kingdom’s founder Ibn Saud. King Abdullah said the prince would be buried after sunset prayers on Sunday in the Muslim holy city of Mecca, according to a Saturday statement.

Nayef’s death unexpectedly reopens the subject of succession in this crucial US ally and oil powerhouse for the second time in less than a year, according to Al Jazeera. 

The 88-year-old Abdullah has now outlived two appointed successors, despite health risks of his own. Now, a new crown prince must be appointed from among his brothers and half-brothers, all the sons of Saudi Arabia’s founder, Abdul-Aziz.

Constitutions are being rewritten, political parties and youth groups are vibrant, and everyone has an opinion on current events. The older generation seems worried by the uncertainty associated with change. The young generation continues to be energized.

But, what I noticed during a week of travel through the region is that almost no one is talking economics, and that is a worry. Because while 2011 was a year of major transitions in the political domain, almost every economic indicator in the non-oil countries went in the wrong direction. Growth halved, unemployment rose, reserves came under pressure and deficits ballooned as governments responded to social pressures by increasing spending on wages and generalized subsidies.

New governments across the region are keen to respond to the demand for jobs and justice that brought them to power but are quickly faced with the hard reality of limited resources and powerful vested interests.

So, just as the “Arab Spring” opened a debate about politics in the Middle East, we now need an “Economic Spring” on how to rethink the region’s economic future.

Of course each country will have to define its own strategy, but there will be some common issues that will have to be addressed. How can countries move away from generalized subsidies to ones targeting the poor to free up resources to invest in improving the education system and infrastructure? How can tax systems become fairer so that the poorest can be given a minimum standard of living? Given bloated public sectors, how will the private sector be induced to create the 50-75 million jobs needed in the next decade?

Unfortunately, there is not yet any real discourse about these issues.

The region has to make this historic transition in a much tougher external environment than that which faced Eastern Europe after the fall of the Berlin Wall.

In the 1990s the world economy was booming, Europe was keen to embrace the transition countries by providing a policy anchor through membership of the European Union, and external finance was readily available.

None of these conditions are the same for MENA (the Middle East and North Africa) today and while there is willingness from the international community to help, resources are limited. Most of the economic transition in MENA will have to be financed through domestic resources and that means the numbers need to add up.

It must be indigenous and engage the younger generation whose economic futures are at stake — both their job prospects and the debts that will have to be repaid if their economies are mismanaged.

It was refreshing to listen to students from universities in Beirut during a presentation I gave at the American University in Beirut (AUB). They had many questions on the economy and the implications for their futures. There was obvious energy and talent in the room as well as worry about what lay ahead for them.

Their concerns ranged from the need for better access to education, to jobs, to protecting the environment. They also commented about the need for transparency in public finances and how the IMF can help address the many challenges facing the region.

This visit to the region, has made me more convinced that without an “Economic Spring” to accompany the “Arab Spring” and the important political transitions taking place in the Arab region, we risk failure on both fronts.”

Source: IMF Direct (article by Nemat Shafik).