The illusion that Greece can go forward through this oxymoron constitutes the SYRIZA vote.

Traditionally, the European left rhetoric in Greece has been more left than about Europe. Pure leftish arguments that most Greeks loathe in terms of their consequences on the real economy and people’s individualism have been the main reason Tsipras’ party remained for nearly a decade close to the 3% Parliament threshold, marking in a few votes the difference between political obscurity and House representation.

Dissatisfied, indignant Greek voters were up for grabs throughout the last two years, coming from different political parties, sharing the same anti-MoU feeling. SYRIZA leader managed to utilise a clever strategy, adopting centre-left arguments that sounded positive even to ND voters who were orphaned when Samaras vehemently shifted towards the right. On the 6th of May 37% of PASOK and 13% of ND voters subscribed to Tsipras’ rhetoric, once again proving that in Greece, voters do not pay attention to programmatic documents and political intentions. Admittedly so, no one ever imagined that SYRIZA could turn into a government partner.

A series of factors led to the destruction of the centre-right. The damage for ND began when party leadership decided to vote against the first MoU in 2010, alienating the centrist vote, instead of staying in the pragmatist side of politics, pushing for changes and innovative, reformist alternatives, especially when George Papandreou adopted the easy way out, namely milking salary earners and pensioners.

Instead of staying in the game, dealing with hardcore politics, ND leadership ordered party people to hit the streets, miserably antagonizing leftist unionists who used to rally for a living. The lack of mainstream political agenda left the centre-right with no alternative than to start pushing for snap elections through nihilism and imitations of leftish activism tactics. A few years later, when PASOK and George Papandreou succumbed to the huge social and political pressure and Lucas Papademos took over, ND had to give in and sign the MoU II, to avoid taking the blame for the country’s collapse. Then, after the expulsion of a group of MPs who remained hooked to the populist view, to massage their constituencies, the party lost the popular vote that followed Panos Kammenos in a daring, albeit fruitless quest towards the patriotic right. On May 6, ND reached the bottom of the centre-right dynamics, in a down-curve that began from 45.3% in 2004, to 41.8% in 2007, down to 33.5% in 2009 to a humiliating 18.8% in 2012.

PASOK, on the other hand is trying to survive the 13.2% result (from almost 44% in 2009), putting together all sorts of party casts, while pushing older executives to step down with decency. The centre-left party has suffered the Papandreou administration that failed to tame PASOK’s populist soul. However, what was not clearly foreseen back then was that after its victory against George, the populist mass was determined to seek for the next best roof in the socialist neighborhood, namely Alexis Tsipras.

This is not surprising, since PASOK has always been a formation of different people of unclear ideological background, united by their common thirst for power and the benefits that stemmed out of it.

In the prosperity years, generous budgets of all sorts kept everyone focused on the primary task, i.e. to maintain control of the state apparatus and burse. As soon as the money run out, the horde scattered, following separate roots. These days, SYRIZA leadership is the next best option that resembles the old, populist PASOK; even some of the old Andreas Papandreou’s charisma, some say. At the same time, SYRIZA is the only harbor for those who continue to see the state as a milking cow.

Considering also that, despite the drama, Greece is still at the beginning of a long reformist journey, statists opposing this path like to think they have a chance to stop it. They are assisted by a significant number of middle and lower class households, which are hit by the austerity measures and hope to minimize their losses, by scraping the MoU recipe.

Most of the aforementioned groups see their degrading -and to a great extent corrupted- fields of work, or protected professions or black economy transactions gravely threatened by the reform process.

On June 17, the same groups are preparing to vote against their future. In the minds of Europeans, this is a mindless vote. But for those who understand the Greek psyche, it is a last attempt to rescue an old, degraded and widely spread micro world, seconds before its violent descent down the steepest cliff of the country’s modern economic history.

Dr. Demetris Kamaras is the Editor of AlYunaniya.com

Obviously, Samaras, Venizelos and Kouvelis needed no fortunetellers to forecast the glorious years Tsipras would have in front of him being in the main opposition, while the aforementioned trio would be consumed by the additional measures included in the second MoU. There would be no political peace, the left reaction would surge and soon the country would found itself once again in a dead-end.

Bottom line this is politics in Greece, especially when a weak 3-party coalition in the MoU years equals to almost the same (or less) power a strong party used to have in the years of prosperity.

So, what is going to be? Which approach is more suitable to describe the future of local politics? Is Greek electorate following the canoe paradigm, or we are in front of a SYRIZA sailboat effect, as a diplomat put in a recent gathering. Will things balance again after a strong sideward movement or Tsipras will become the youngest prime minister in Europe?

I used to argue that current gen of politicians is equally problematic as the one their mentors belonged to. So, a new leader in his thirties could make a difference. But again, in the case of Greece, new leadership should not emerge from the left. Not at the moment. The country cannot afford sailing the Left boat in unmarked waters. We need a coalition of the willing and a period of careful planning and courageous implementation of structural changes and wider modernisation moves to put our house in order.

All these are at stake once again in June 17. My view is that given the circumstances and the severe damages PASOK has suffered in May, the only anti-SYRIZA force could emerge from the centre-right that would cooperate with Venizelos’ party (a new name and branding strategy remain a possibility), use a new liberal centrist force as a glue (Drasi with Re-Create Greece) and keep Democratic Left as a backup plan for the future. Moreover, some Kammenos’ MPs could possibly return to ND nest, offering their support in a coalition, or as soon as the government puzzle is solved.

However, for the time being, the call for unity in the centre-right lacks the required dynamism as well as touch to society, since it focuses on Dora Bakoyannis’ and some LAOS’ MPs return, two moves that symbolically are reciprocally neutralized. Uniting the centre-right per se does not seem relevant to Greek people; especially when the country’s obligations to the MoU will lead to the introduction of 6 more tax hikes in the next few months, some of them -regrettably- arriving through the post before June 17.

What perhaps would be relevant to Greeks is a constructive approach to their problems, old and new, an ability SYRIZA lacks by default.

The majority of Greek citizens are looking for a rationale to avoid voting for Alexis; but old leaderships do almost nothing to give them a reason not to.

Dr. Demetris Kamaras is the Editor of AlYunaniya.com

A caretaker government to lead the country to new election polls will be appointed on Wednesday, according to the Presidency spokesman. “We’re heading to elections,” the spokesman told reporters.

PASOK leader Evangelos Venizelos put the blame on “those who coldly put their narrow partisan interests above national interest.” “Greek people on May 6, told us that they do not want elections again, they want a coalition government,” said Venizelos. He added: “PASOK lost the elections on 6 May. This meant that could influence things less than before the election. But since the day after, we had a responsible attitude. We asked to undertake a common national endeavor. Unfortunately this was not accepted.”

Venizelos noted that PASOK adopted Democratic Left leader Kouvelis’ proposal for a national unity government for a 2-year duration with the participation of SYRIZA. “We believed that there was a basis for a consensus”, he said. “The country will find its way. We will struggle from a basis, which is unfavorable for PASOK. This will happen if Greek citizens make a right choice. Let’s move towards a better situation; for God’s sake let’s not do worse. ”

“Some people, in reality, are struggling to lead the country out of Europe,” ND leader Antonis Samaras stated, underlining that he agreed to have a government without the New Democracy party “as long as we remain in the Eurozone”. In his speech after the meeting of political leaders, Samaras mentioned the turning point at which our country finds itself. “The country is going through its most critical moments after the junta. Greece is isolated” he said, underlining that “the fate of our children” is being determined in the elections.

SYRIZA leader Alexis Tsipras accused Samaras and Venizelos that they remain faithful to their commitments to Merkel and thereby made the formation of a government impossible. “Samaras and Venizelos, faithful to their signatures denied adopting our proposals and in substance posed a dilemma: Memorandum or elections” stated Tsipras. “They did not simply ask for our agreement but invited us to put our signature on measures of poverty and destitution. We resisted with all our strength and soul”, he stated and underlined that SYRIZA took the decision not to betray the hopes of the people. “The forces of yesterday which demolished society are looking for a second chance of survival, threaten and harass”, Tsipras said and added that they must be put into history’s limbo. “Now is the time to complete the great advance which took place on May 6th, to form a government of the Left, with enhanced strength”.

“My fellow Greeks, I did what I could,” said Democratic Left leader Fotis Kouvelis to reporters after the meeting. “Some are leading the country to elections, based on partisan interests”.

According to media reports, the political leaders’ meeting was quite intense. Later on, ND cadres associated failure of talks with the ambition of Independent Greeks’ leader Panos Kammenos to take over the Premiership. Sources said there were strong words between PASOK and SYRIZA leaders.

Yesterday, a Hellenic Presidency announcement said that during yesterday’s meeting between President of the Republic Karolos Papoulias and Independent Greeks leader Panos Kammenos, the latter handed a series of scenarios to the President, amongst which demands were expressed in order Kammenos to participate in a national unity government.

Political leaders meet again Wednesday, 13.00 to discuss the formation of a caretaker government that will lead the country to elections.